Zionism (Hebrew: צִיּוֹנוּת Tsiyyonut [tsijoˈnut] after Zion) is a nationalist[fn 1] movement that emerged in the 19th century to espouse support for the establishment of a homeland for the Jewish people in Palestine,[3][4][5][6] a region roughly corresponding to the Land of Israel in Jewish tradition.[7][8][9][10] Following the establishment of Israel, Zionism became an ideology that supports “the development and protection of the State of Israel”.[11]

Zionism initially emerged in Central and Eastern Europe as a national revival movement in the late 19th century, both in reaction to newer waves of antisemitism and as a response to Haskalah, or Jewish Enlightenment.[12][13][14] Soon after this, most leaders of the movement associated the main goal with creating the desired homeland in Palestine, then an area controlled by the Ottoman Empire.[15][16][17] This process was seen by the Zionist Movement as an “ingathering of exiles” (kibbutz galuyot), an effort to put a stop to the exoduses and persecutions that have marked Jewish history by bringing the Jewish people back to their historic homeland.[18]

From 1897 to 1948, the primary goal of the Zionist Movement was to establish the basis for a Jewish homeland in Palestine, and thereafter to consolidate it. In a unique variation of the principle of self-determination,[19] The Lovers of Zion united in 1884 and in 1897 the first Zionist congress was organized. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a large number of Jews immigrated to first Ottoman and later Mandatory Palestine, and at the same time, diplomatic attempts were made to gain worldwide recognition and support. Since the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, Zionism has continued primarily to advocate on behalf of Israel and to address threats to its continued existence and security.

Zionism has never been a uniform movement. Its leaders, parties, and ideologies frequently diverged from one another. Compromises and concessions were made in order to achieve a shared cultural and political objective as a result of the growing antisemitism and yearning to return to the “ancestral” country. A variety of types of Zionism have emerged, including political Zionism, liberal Zionism, labor Zionism, revisionist Zionism, cultural Zionism, and religious Zionism. Advocates of Zionism view it as a national liberation movement for the repatriation of a persecuted people to its ancestral homeland.[20][21][22] Critics of Zionism view it as a colonialist,[23] racist,[24] or exceptionalist ideology or movement.[25][26][27][28][29]


The term “Zionism” is derived from the word Zion (Hebrew: ציון, Tzi-yon), a hill in Jerusalem, widely symbolizing the Land of Israel.[30] Throughout eastern Europe in the late 19th century, numerous grassroots groups promoted the national resettlement of the Jews in their homeland,[31] as well as the revitalization and cultivation of the Hebrew language. These groups were collectively called the “Lovers of Zion” and were seen as countering a growing Jewish movement toward assimilation. The first use of the term is attributed to the Austrian Nathan Birnbaum, founder of the Kadimah nationalist Jewish students’ movement; he used the term in 1890 in his journal Selbst-Emancipation (Self-Emancipation),[32][33] itself named almost identically to Leon Pinsker’s 1882 book Auto-Emancipation.


The common denominator among all Zionists has been a claim to Palestine, a land traditionally known in Jewish writings as the Land of Israel (“Eretz Israel”) as a national homeland of the Jews and as the legitimate focus for Jewish national self-determination.[34] It is based on historical ties and religious traditions linking the Jewish people to the Land of Israel.[35] Zionism does not have a uniform ideology, but has evolved in a dialogue among a plethora of ideologies: General Zionism, Religious Zionism, Labor Zionism, Revisionist Zionism, Green Zionism, etc.

After almost two millennia of the Jewish diaspora residing in various countries without a national state, the Zionist movement was founded in the late 19th century by secular Jews, largely as a response by Ashkenazi Jews to rising antisemitism in Europe, exemplified by the Dreyfus affair in France and the anti-Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire.[36] The political movement was formally established by the Austro-Hungarian journalist Theodor Herzl in 1897 following the publication of his book Der Judenstaat (The Jewish State).[37] At that time, the movement sought to encourage Jewish migration to Ottoman Palestine particularly among those Jewish communities who were poor, unassimilated and whose ‘floating’ presence caused disquiet, in Herzl’s view, among assimilated Jews and stirred antisemitism among Christians.[38]

“I believe that a wondrous generation of Jews will spring into existence. The Maccabeans will rise again. Let me repeat once more my opening words: The Jews who wish for a State will have it. We shall live at last as free men on our own soil, and die peacefully in our own homes. The world will be freed by our liberty, enriched by our wealth, magnified by our greatness. And whatever we attempt there to accomplish for our own welfare, will react powerfully and beneficially for the good of humanity.”

Theodor Herzl, concluding words of The Jewish State, 1896[39]

Although initially one of several Jewish political movements offering alternative responses to Jewish assimilation and antisemitism, Zionism expanded rapidly. In its early stages, supporters considered setting up a Jewish state in the historic territory of Palestine. After World War II and the destruction of Jewish life in Central and Eastern Europe where these alternative movements were rooted, it became dominant in the thinking about a Jewish national state.

Creating an alliance with Great Britain and securing support for some years for Jewish emigration to Palestine, Zionists also recruited European Jews to immigrate there, especially Jews who lived in areas of the Russian Empire where antisemitism was raging. The alliance with Britain was strained as the latter realized the implications of the Jewish movement for Arabs in Palestine, but the Zionists persisted. The movement was eventually successful in establishing Israel on May 14, 1948 (5 Iyyar 5708 in the Hebrew calendar), as the homeland for the Jewish people. The proportion of the world’s Jews living in Israel has steadily grown since the movement emerged. By the early 21st century, more than 40% of the world’s Jews lived in Israel, more than in any other country. These two outcomes represent the historical success of Zionism and are unmatched by any other Jewish political movement in the past 2,000 years. In some academic studies, Zionism has been analyzed both within the larger context of diaspora politics and as an example of modern national liberation movements.[40]

Zionism also sought the assimilation of Jews into the modern world. As a result of the diaspora, many of the Jewish people remained outsiders within their adopted countries and became detached from modern ideas. So-called “assimilationist” Jews desired complete integration into European society. They were willing to downplay their Jewish identity and in some cases to abandon traditional views and opinions in an attempt at modernization and assimilation into the modern world. A less extreme form of assimilation was called cultural synthesis. Those in favor of cultural synthesis desired continuity and only moderate evolution, and were concerned that Jews should not lose their identity as a people. “Cultural synthesists” emphasized both a need to maintain traditional Jewish values and faith and a need to conform to a modernist society, for instance, in complying with work days and rules.[41]

In 1975, the United Nations General Assembly passed Resolution 3379, which designated Zionism as “a form of racism and racial discrimination”. The resolution was repealed in 1991 by replacing Resolution 3379 with Resolution 46/86.[citation needed]


In 1896, Theodor Herzl expressed in Der Judenstaat his views on “the restoration of the Jewish state”.[42] Herzl considered Antisemitism to be an eternal feature of all societies in which Jews lived as minorities, and that only a sovereignty could allow Jews to escape eternal persecution : “Let them give us sovereignty over a piece of the Earth’s surface, just sufficient for the needs of our people, then we will do the rest!” he proclaimed exposing his plan.[43]: 27, 29

Aliyah (migration, literally “ascent”) to the Land of Israel is a recurring theme in Jewish prayers.

Ethnic unity and descent from Biblical Jews

Early Zionists were the primary Jewish supporters of the idea that Jews are a race, as it “offered scientific ‘proof’ of the ethno-nationalist myth of common descent”.[44] This “racialisation of Jewish identity in the rhetoric of the founders of Zionism” was originally a reaction to European antisemitism.[45] According to Raphael Falk, as early as the 1870s, contrary to largely cultural perspectives among integrated and assimilated Jewish communities in the Age of Enlightenment and Age of Romanticism, “the Zionists-to-be stressed that Jews were not merely members of a cultural or a religious entity, but were an integral biological entity”.[46] This re-conceptualization of Jewishness cast the “volk” of the Jewish community as a nation-race, in contrast to centuries-old conceptions of the Jewish people as a religious socio-cultural grouping.[46]

It was particularly important in early nation building in Israel, because Jews in Israel are ethnically diverse and the origins of Ashkenazi Jews, the original founders of Zionism, are “highly debated and enigmatic”.[47][48] Notable proponents of this included Max Nordau, Herzl’s co-founder of the original Zionist Organization, Ze’ev Jabotinsky, the prominent architect of early statist Zionism and the founder of what became Israel’s Likud party,[49] and Arthur Ruppin, considered the “father of Israeli sociology”.[50] Jabotinsky wrote that Jewish national integrity relies on “racial purity”, whereas Nordau asserted the need for an “exact anthropological, biological, economic, and intellectual statistic of the Jewish people”.[49]

According to Hassan S. Haddad, the application of the Biblical concepts of Jews as the chosen people and the “Promised Land” in Zionism, particularly to secular Jews, requires the belief that modern Jews are the primary descendants of biblical Jews and Israelites.[51] This is considered important to the State of Israel, because its founding narrative is based on the biblical concept of “Gathering of the exiles” and the “Return to Zion”, on the assumption that modern Jews are the primary descendants of the Jews of the biblical stories.[52] The question has thus been focused on by supporters of Zionism and anti-Zionists alike,[53] as in this absence of this biblical primacy, “the Zionist project falls prey to the pejorative categorization as ‘settler colonialism’ pursued under false assumptions, playing into the hands of Israel’s critics and fueling the indignation of the displaced and stateless Palestinian people,”[52] whilst right-wing Israelis look for “a way of proving the occupation is legitimate, of authenticating the ethnos as a natural fact, and of defending Zionism as a return”.[54] A Jewish “biological self-definition” has become a standard belief for many Jewish nationalists, and most Israeli population researchers have never doubted that evidence will one day be found, even though so far such facts have “remained forever elusive”.[55]

Negation of the life in the Diaspora

Negation of life in the Diaspora is a central assumption in Zionism.[56][57][58][59] Some supporters of Zionism believed that Jews in the Diaspora were prevented from their full growth in Jewish individual and national life.[citation needed]

The rejection of life in the diaspora was not limited to secular Zionism; many religious Zionists shared this opinion, but not all religious Zionism did. Rav Cook, considered one of the most important religious Zionist thinkers, characterized the diaspora as a flawed and alienated existence marked by decline, narrowness, displacement, solitude, and frailty. He believed that the diasporan way of life is diametrically opposed to a “national renaissance,” which manifests itself not only in the return to Zion but also in the return to nature and creativity, revival of heroic and aesthetic values, and the resurgence of individual and societal power.[60]

Revival of the Hebrew Language

Zionists generally preferred to speak Hebrew, a Semitic language which flourished as a spoken language in the ancient Kingdoms of Israel and Judah during the period from about 1200 to 586 BCE,[62] and continued to be used in some parts of Judea during the Second Temple period and up until 200 CE. It is the language of the Hebrew Bible and the Mishnah, central texts in Judaism. Hebrew was largely preserved throughout later history as the main liturgical language of Judaism.

Zionists worked to modernize Hebrew and adapt it for everyday use. They sometimes refused to speak Yiddish, a language they thought had developed in the context of European persecution. Once they moved to Israel, many Zionists refused to speak their (diasporic) mother tongues and adopted new, Hebrew names. Hebrew was preferred not only for ideological reasons, but also because it allowed all citizens of the new state to have a common language, thus furthering the political and cultural bonds among Zionists.[citation needed]

The revival of the Hebrew language and the establishment of Modern Hebrew is most closely associated with the Russian linguist Eliezer Ben-Yehuda and the Committee of the Hebrew Language (later replaced by the Academy of the Hebrew Language).[63]

In the Israeli Declaration of Independence

Major aspects of the Zionist idea are represented in the Israeli Declaration of Independence:

The Land of Israel was the birthplace of the Jewish people. Here their spiritual, religious and political identity was shaped. Here they first attained to statehood, created cultural values of national and universal significance and gave to the world the eternal Book of Books.

After being forcibly exiled from their land, the people kept faith with it throughout their Dispersion and never ceased to pray and hope for their return to it and for the restoration in it of their political freedom.

Impelled by this historic and traditional attachment, Jews strove in every successive generation to re-establish themselves in their ancient homeland. In recent decades they returned in their masses.[64]


Historical and religious background

The Jewish people are an ethnoreligious group and nation[65][66] originating from the Israelites[67][68][69] and Hebrews[70][71] of historical Israel and Judah, two Israelite kingdoms that emerged in the Southern Levant during the Iron Age. Jews are named after the Kingdom of Judah,[72][73][74] the southern of the two kingdoms, which was centered in Judea with its capital in Jerusalem.[75] The Kingdom of Judah was conquered by Nebuchadnezzar II of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 586 BCE.[76] The Babylonians destroyed Jerusalem and the First Temple, which was at the center of ancient Judean worship. The Judeans were subsequently exiled to Babylon, in what is regarded as the first Jewish diaspora.

Seventy years later, after the conquest of Babylon by the Persian Achaemenid Empire, Cyrus the Great allowed the Jews to return to Jerusalem and rebuild the Temple. This event came to be known as the Return to Zion. Under Persian rule, Judah became a self-governing Jewish province. After centuries of Persian and Hellenistic rule, the Jews regained their independence in the Maccabean Revolt against the Seleucid Empire, which led to the establishment of the Hasmonean Kingdom in Judea. It later expanded over much of modern Israel, and into some parts of Jordan and Lebanon.[77][78][79] The Hasmonean Kingdom became a client state of the Roman Republic in 63 BCE, and in 6 CE, was incorporated into the Roman Empire as the province of Judaea.[80]

During the Great Jewish Revolt (66–73 CE), the Romans destroyed Jerusalem and burned the Second Temple.[81] Of the 600,000 (Tacitus) or 1,000,000 (Josephus) Jews of Jerusalem, all of them either died of starvation, were killed or were sold into slavery.[82] The Bar Kokhba Revolt (132–136 CE) led to the destruction of large parts of Judea, and many Jews were killed, exiled, or sold into slavery. The province of Judaea was renamed Syria Palaestina. These actions are seen by many scholars as an attempt to disconnect the Jewish people from their homeland.[83][84] In the following centuries, many Jews emigrated to thriving centers in the diaspora. Others continued living in the region, especially in the Galilee, the coastal plain, and on the edges of Judea, and some converted.[85][86] By the fourth century CE, the Jews, who had previously constituted the majority of Palestine, had become a minority.[87] A small presence of Jews has been attested for almost all of the period. For example, according to tradition, the Jewish community of Peki’in has maintained a Jewish presence since the Second Temple period.[88][89]

Jewish religious belief holds that the Land of Israel is a God-given inheritance of the Children of Israel based on the Torah, particularly the books of Genesis and Exodus, as well as on the later Prophets.[90][91][92] According to the Book of Genesis, Canaan was first promised to Abraham’s descendants; the text is explicit that this is a covenant between God and Abraham for his descendants.[93] The belief that God had assigned Canaan to the Israelites as a Promised Land is also conserved also in Christian[94] and Islamic traditions.[95]

Among Jews in the Diaspora, the Land of Israel was revered in a cultural, national, ethnic, historical, and religious sense. They thought of a return to it in a future messianic age.[96] Return to Zion remained a recurring theme among generations, particularly in Passover and Yom Kippur prayers, which traditionally concluded with “Next year in Jerusalem”, and in the thrice-daily Amidah (Standing prayer).[97] The biblical prophecy of Kibbutz Galuyot, the ingathering of exiles in the Land of Israel as foretold by the Prophets, became a central idea in Zionism.[98][99][100]

Pre-Zionist initiatives

In the middle of the 16th century, the Portuguese Sephardi Joseph Nasi, with the support of the Ottoman Empire, tried to gather the Portuguese Jews, first to migrate to Cyprus, then owned by the Republic of Venice, and later to resettle in Tiberias. Nasi—who never converted to Islam[102][103]—eventually obtained the highest medical position in the empire, and actively participated in court life. He convinced Suleiman I to intervene with the Pope on behalf of Ottoman-subject Portuguese Jews imprisoned in Ancona.[102] Between the 4th and 19th centuries, Nasi’s was the only practical attempt to establish some sort of Jewish political center in Palestine.[104][better source needed]

In the 17th century Sabbatai Zevi (1626–1676) announced himself as the Messiah and gained many Jews to his side, forming a base in Salonika. He first tried to establish a settlement in Gaza, but moved later to Smyrna. After deposing the old rabbi Aaron Lapapa in the spring of 1666, the Jewish community of Avignon, France prepared to emigrate to the new kingdom. The readiness of the Jews of the time to believe the messianic claims of Sabbatai Zevi may be largely explained by the desperate state of Central European Jewry in the mid-17th century. The bloody pogroms of Bohdan Khmelnytsky had wiped out one-third of the Jewish population and destroyed many centers of Jewish learning and communal life.[105]

In the early 19th century, a group of Jews known as the perushim left Lithuania to settle in Ottoman Palestine.

Establishment of the Zionist movement

In the 19th century, a current in Judaism supporting a return to Zion grew in popularity,[106] particularly in Europe, where antisemitism and hostility toward Jews were growing. The idea of returning to Palestine was rejected by the conferences of rabbis held in that epoch. Individual efforts supported the emigration of groups of Jews to Palestine, pre-Zionist Aliyah, even before the First Zionist Congress in 1897, the year considered as the start of practical Zionism.[107]

Reform Jews rejected this idea of a return to Zion. The conference of rabbis held at Frankfurt am Main over July 15–28, 1845, deleted from the ritual all prayers for a return to Zion and a restoration of a Jewish state. The Philadelphia Conference, 1869, followed the lead of the German rabbis and decreed that the Messianic hope of Israel is “the union of all the children of God in the confession of the unity of God”. In 1885 the Pittsburgh Conference reiterated this interpretation of the Messianic idea of Reform Judaism, expressing in a resolution that “we consider ourselves no longer a nation, but a religious community; and we therefore expect neither a return to Palestine, nor a sacrificial worship under the sons of Aaron, nor the restoration of any of the laws concerning a Jewish state”.[108]

Jewish settlements were proposed for establishment in the upper Mississippi region by W.D. Robinson in 1819.[109] Others were developed near Jerusalem in 1850, by the American Consul Warder Cresson, a convert to Judaism. Cresson was tried and condemned for lunacy in a suit filed by his wife and son. They asserted that only a lunatic would convert to Judaism from Christianity. After a second trial, based on the centrality of American ‘freedom of faith’ issues and antisemitism, Cresson won the bitterly contested suit.[110] He emigrated to Ottoman Palestine and established an agricultural colony in the Valley of Rephaim of Jerusalem. He hoped to “prevent any attempts being made to take advantage of the necessities of our poor brethren … (that would) … FORCE them into a pretended conversion.”[111][better source needed]

Moral but not practical efforts were made in Prague to organize a Jewish emigration, by Abraham Benisch and Moritz Steinschneider in 1835. In the United States, Mordecai Noah attempted to establish a Jewish refuge opposite Buffalo, New York, on Grand Isle, 1825. These early Jewish nation building efforts of Cresson, Benisch, Steinschneider and Noah failed.[112][page needed][113]

Sir Moses Montefiore, famous for his intervention in favor of Jews around the world, including the attempt to rescue Edgardo Mortara, established a colony for Jews in Palestine. In 1854, his friend Judah Touro bequeathed money to fund Jewish residential settlement in Palestine. Montefiore was appointed executor of his will, and used the funds for a variety of projects, including building in 1860 the first Jewish residential settlement and almshouse outside of the old walled city of Jerusalem—today known as Mishkenot Sha’ananim. Laurence Oliphant failed in a like attempt to bring to Palestine the Jewish proletariat of Poland, Lithuania, Romania, and the Turkish Empire (1879 and 1882).

The official beginning of the construction of the New Yishuv in Palestine is usually dated to the arrival of the Bilu group in 1882, who commenced the First Aliyah. In the following years, Jewish immigration to Palestine started in earnest. Most immigrants came from the Russian Empire, escaping the frequent pogroms and state-led persecution in what are now Ukraine and Poland. They founded a number of agricultural settlements with financial support from Jewish philanthropists in Western Europe. Additional Aliyahs followed the Russian Revolution and its eruption of violent pogroms.[citation needed] At the end of the 19th century, Jews were a small minority in Palestine.[citation needed]

In the 1890s, Theodor Herzl (the father of political Zionism) infused Zionism with a new ideology and practical urgency, leading to the First Zionist Congress at Basel in 1897, which created the Zionist Organization (ZO), renamed in 1960 as World Zionist Organization (WZO).[114]

Pre-state institutions

  • Zionist Organization (ZO), est. 1897
    • Zionist Congress (est. 1897), the supreme organ of the ZO
    • Palestine Office (est. 1908), the executive arm of the ZO in Palestine
    • Jewish National Fund (JNF), est. 1901 to buy and develop land in Palestine
    • Keren Hayesod, est. 1920 to collect funds
    • Jewish Agency, est. 1929 as the worldwide operative branch of the ZO


The Zionist enterprise was mainly funded by major benefactors who made large contributions, sympathisers from Jewish communities across the world (see for instance the Jewish National Fund’s collection boxes), and the settlers themselves. The movement established a bank for administering its finances, the Jewish Colonial Trust (est. 1888, incorporated in London in 1899). A local subsidiary was formed in 1902 in Palestine, the Anglo-Palestine Bank.

A list of pre-state large contributors to Pre-Zionist and Zionist enterprises would include, alphabetically,

  • Isaac Leib Goldberg (1860–1935), Zionist leader and philanthropist from Russia
  • Maurice de Hirsch (1831–1896), German Jewish financier and philanthropist, founder of the Jewish Colonization Association
  • Moses Montefiore (1784–1885), British Jewish banker and philanthropist in Britain and the Levant, initiator and financier of Proto-Zionism
  • Edmond James de Rothschild (1845–1934), French Jewish banker and major donor of the Zionist project

Pre-state self-defense

A list of Jewish pre-state self-defense organisations in Palestine would include

  • Bar-Giora (organization) (1907–1909)
  • HaMagen, “The Shield” (1915–17)[115]
  • HaNoter, “The Guard” (pre-WWI, distinct from the British Madate-period Notrim)[115]
  • Hashomer (1909–1920)
  • Haganah (1920–1948)
    • Palmach (1941–1948)

Territories considered

Throughout the first decade of the Zionist movement, there were several instances where some Zionist figures supported a Jewish state in places outside Palestine, such as Uganda and Argentina.[116] Theodor Herzl, the founder of political Zionism was initially content with any Jewish self-governed state.[117] Jewish settlement of Argentina was the project of Maurice de Hirsch.[118] It is unclear if Herzl seriously considered this alternative plan,[119] however he later reaffirmed that Palestine would have greater attraction because of the historic ties of Jews with that area.[43]

A major concern in considering other territories was the Russian pogroms, in particular the Kishinev massacre, and the resultant need for quick resettlement.[120] However, other Zionists emphasized the memory, emotion and tradition linking Jews to the Land of Israel.[121] Zion became the name of the movement, after the place where King David established his kingdom, following his conquest of the Jebusite fortress there (II Samuel 5:7, I Kings 8:1). The name Zion was synonymous with Jerusalem. Palestine only became Herzl’s main focus after his Zionist manifesto ‘Der Judenstaat’ was published in 1896, but even then he was hesitant to focus efforts solely on resettlement in Palestine when speed was of the essence.[122]

In 1903, British Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain offered Herzl 5,000 square miles (13,000 km2) in the Uganda Protectorate for Jewish settlement in Great Britain’s East African colonies.[123] Herzl accepted to evaluate Joseph Chamberlain’s proposal,[124]: 55–56 and it was introduced the same year to the World Zionist Organization’s Congress at its sixth meeting, where a fierce debate ensued. Some groups felt that accepting the scheme would make it more difficult to establish a Jewish state in Palestine, the African land was described as an “ante-chamber to the Holy Land”. It was decided to send a commission to investigate the proposed land by 295 to 177 votes, with 132 abstaining. The following year, Congress sent a delegation to inspect the plateau. A temperate climate due to its high elevation, was thought to be suitable for European settlement. However, the area was populated by a large number of Maasai, who did not seem to favour an influx of Europeans. Furthermore, the delegation found it to be filled with lions and other animals.

After Herzl died in 1904, the Congress decided on the fourth day of its seventh session in July 1905 to decline the British offer and, according to Adam Rovner, “direct all future settlement efforts solely to Palestine”.[123][125] Israel Zangwill’s Jewish Territorialist Organization aimed for a Jewish state anywhere, having been established in 1903 in response to the Uganda Scheme. It was supported by a number of the Congress’s delegates. Following the vote, which had been proposed by Max Nordau, Zangwill charged Nordau that he “will be charged before the bar of history,” and his supporters blamed the Russian voting bloc of Menachem Ussishkin for the outcome of the vote.[125]

The subsequent departure of the JTO from the Zionist Organization had little impact.[123][126][127] The Zionist Socialist Workers Party was also an organization that favored the idea of a Jewish territorial autonomy outside of Palestine.[128]

As an alternative to Zionism, Soviet authorities established a Jewish Autonomous Oblast in 1934, which remains extant as the only autonomous oblast of Russia.[129]

According to Elaine Hagopian, in the early decades it foresaw the homeland of the Jews as extending not only over the region of Palestine, but into Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, and Egypt, with its borders more or less coinciding with the major riverine and water-rich areas of the Levant.[130]

Balfour Declaration and the Mandate for Palestine

Lobbying by Russian Jewish immigrant Chaim Weizmann, together with fear that American Jews would encourage the US to support Germany in the war against Russia, culminated in the British government’s Balfour Declaration of 1917.

It endorsed the creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, as follows:

His Majesty’s government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.[131]

In 1922, the League of Nations adopted the declaration, and granted to Britain the Palestine Mandate:

The Mandate will secure the establishment of the Jewish national home … and the development of self-governing institutions, and also safeguard the civil and religious rights of all the inhabitants of Palestine, irrespective of race and religion.[132]

Weizmann’s role in obtaining the Balfour Declaration led to his election as the Zionist movement’s leader. He remained in that role until 1948, and then was elected as the first President of Israel after the nation gained independence.

A number of high-level representatives of the international Jewish women’s community participated in the First World Congress of Jewish Women, which was held in Vienna, Austria, in May 1923. One of the main resolutions was: “It appears … to be the duty of all Jews to co-operate in the social-economic reconstruction of Palestine and to assist in the settlement of Jews in that country.”[133]

In 1927, Ukrainian Jew Yitzhak Lamdan wrote an epic poem titled Masada to reflect the plight of the Jews, calling for a “last stand”.[134]

Rise of Nazism and the Holocaust

In 1933, Hitler came to power in Germany, and in 1935 the Nuremberg Laws made German Jews (and later Austrian and Czech Jews) stateless refugees. Similar rules were applied by the many Nazi allies in Europe. The subsequent growth in Jewish migration and the impact of Nazi propaganda aimed at the Arab world fostered the 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine. Britain established the Peel Commission to investigate the situation. The commission called for a two-state solution and compulsory transfer of populations. The Arabs opposed the partition plan and Britain later rejected this solution and instead implemented the White Paper of 1939. This planned to end Jewish immigration by 1944 and to allow no more than 75,000 additional Jewish migrants. At the end of the five-year period in 1944, only 51,000 of the 75,000 immigration certificates provided for had been utilized, and the British offered to allow immigration to continue beyond cutoff date of 1944, at a rate of 1500 per month, until the remaining quota was filled.[135][136] According to Arieh Kochavi, at the end of the war, the Mandatory Government had 10,938 certificates remaining and gives more details about government policy at the time.[135] The British maintained the policies of the 1939 White Paper until the end of the Mandate.[137]

Year Muslims Jews Christians Others Total Settled
1922 486,177 (74.9%) 83,790 (12.9%) 71,464 (11.0%) 7,617 (1.2%) 649,048
1931 693,147 (71.7%) 174,606 (18.1%) 88,907 (9.2%) 10,101 (1.0%) 966,761
1941 906,551 (59.7%) 474,102 (31.2%) 125,413 (8.3%) 12,881 (0.8%) 1,518,947
1946 1,076,783 (58.3%) 608,225 (33.0%) 145,063 (7.9%) 15,488 (0.8%) 1,845,559

The growth of the Jewish community in Palestine and the devastation of European Jewish life sidelined the World Zionist Organization. The Jewish Agency for Palestine under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion increasingly dictated policy with support from American Zionists who provided funding and influence in Washington, D.C., including via the highly effective American Palestine Committee.[citation needed]

During World War II, as the horrors of the Holocaust became known, the Zionist leadership formulated the One Million Plan, a reduction from Ben-Gurion’s previous target of two million immigrants. Following the end of the war, many stateless refugees, mainly Holocaust survivors, began migrating to Palestine in small boats in defiance of British rules. The Holocaust united much of the rest of world Jewry behind the Zionist project.[139] The British either imprisoned these Jews in Cyprus or sent them to the British-controlled Allied Occupation Zones in Germany. The British, having faced Arab revolts, were now facing opposition by Zionist groups in Palestine for subsequent restrictions on Jewish immigration. In January 1946 the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, a joint British and American committee, was tasked to examine political, economic and social conditions in Mandatory Palestine and the well-being of the peoples now living there; to consult representatives of Arabs and Jews, and to make other recommendations ‘as necessary’ for an interim handling of these problems as well as for their eventual solution.[140] Following the failure of the 1946–47 London Conference on Palestine, at which the United States refused to support the British leading to both the Morrison–Grady Plan and the Bevin Plan being rejected by all parties, the British decided to refer the question to the UN on February 14, 1947.[141][fn 2]

Post-World War II

With the German invasion of the USSR in 1941, Stalin reversed his long-standing opposition to Zionism, and tried to mobilize worldwide Jewish support for the Soviet war effort. A Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee was set up in Moscow. Many thousands of Jewish refugees fled the Nazis and entered the Soviet Union during the war, where they reinvigorated Jewish religious activities and opened new synagogues.[142] In May 1947 Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko told the United Nations that the USSR supported the partition of Palestine into a Jewish and an Arab state. The USSR formally voted that way in the UN in November 1947.[143] However once Israel was established, Stalin reversed positions, favoured the Arabs, arrested the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, and launched attacks on Jews in the USSR.[144]

In 1947, the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine recommended that western Palestine should be partitioned into a Jewish state, an Arab state and a UN-controlled territory, Corpus separatum, around Jerusalem.[145] This partition plan was adopted on November 29, 1947, with UN GA Resolution 181, 33 votes in favor, 13 against, and 10 abstentions. The vote led to celebrations in Jewish communities and protests in Arab communities throughout Palestine.[citation needed] Violence throughout the country, previously an Arab and Jewish insurgency against the British, Jewish-Arab communal violence, spiralled into the 1947–1949 Palestine war. The conflict led to an exodus of about 711,000 Palestinian Arabs,[146] outside of Israel’s territories. More than a quarter had already fled prior to the Israeli Declaration of Independence and the start of the war. After the 1949 Armistice Agreements, a series of laws passed by the first Israeli government prevented displaced Palestinians from claiming private property or returning on the state’s territories. They and many of their descendants remain refugees supported by UNRWA.[147][148]

Since the creation of the State of Israel, the World Zionist Organization has functioned mainly as an organization dedicated to assisting and encouraging Jews to migrate to Israel. It has provided political support for Israel in other countries but plays little role in internal Israeli politics. The movement’s major success since 1948 was in providing logistical support for Jewish migrants and refugees and, most importantly, in assisting Soviet Jews in their struggle with the authorities over the right to leave the USSR and to practice their religion in freedom, and the exodus of 850,000 Jews from the Arab world, mostly to Israel. In 1944–45, Ben-Gurion described the One Million Plan to foreign officials as being the “primary goal and top priority of the Zionist movement.”[149] The immigration restrictions of the British White Paper of 1939 meant that such a plan could not be put into large scale effect until the Israeli Declaration of Independence in May 1948. The new country’s immigration policy had some opposition within the new Israeli government, such as those who argued that there was “no justification for organizing large-scale emigration among Jews whose lives were not in danger, particularly when the desire and motivation were not their own”[150] as well as those who argued that the absorption process caused “undue hardship”.[151] However, the force of Ben-Gurion’s influence and insistence ensured that his immigration policy was carried out.[152][153]


Country/Region Members Delegates
Poland 299,165 109
US 263,741 114
Palestine 167,562 134
Romania 60,013 28
United Kingdom 23,513 15
South Africa 22,343 14
Canada 15,220 8

The multi-national, worldwide Zionist movement is structured on representative democratic principles. Congresses are held every four years (they were held every two years before the Second World War) and delegates to the congress are elected by the membership. Members are required to pay dues known as a shekel. At the congress, delegates elect a 30-man executive council, which in turn elects the movement’s leader. The movement was democratic from its inception and women had the right to vote.[155]

Until 1917, the World Zionist Organization pursued a strategy of building a Jewish National Home through persistent small-scale immigration and the founding of such bodies as the Jewish National Fund (1901 – a charity that bought land for Jewish settlement) and the Anglo-Palestine Bank (1903 – provided loans for Jewish businesses and farmers). In 1942, at the Biltmore Conference, the movement included for the first time an express objective of the establishment of a Jewish state in the Land of Israel.[156]

The 28th Zionist Congress, meeting in Jerusalem in 1968, adopted the five points of the “Jerusalem Program” as the aims of Zionism today. They are:[157]

  • Unity of the Jewish People and the centrality of Israel in Jewish life
  • Ingathering of the Jewish People in its historic homeland, Eretz Israel, through Aliyah from all countries
  • Strengthening of the State of Israel, based on the prophetic vision of justice and peace
  • Preservation of the identity of the Jewish People through fostering of Jewish and Hebrew education, and of Jewish spiritual and cultural values
  • Protection of Jewish rights everywhere

Since the creation of modern Israel, the role of the movement has declined. It is now a peripheral factor in Israeli politics, though different perceptions of Zionism continue to play roles in Israeli and Jewish political discussion.[158]

Labor Zionism

Labor Zionism originated in Eastern Europe. Socialist Zionists believed that centuries of oppression in antisemitic societies had reduced Jews to a meek, vulnerable, despairing existence that invited further antisemitism, a view originally stipulated by Theodor Herzl. They argued that a revolution of the Jewish soul and society was necessary and achievable in part by Jews moving to Israel and becoming farmers, workers, and soldiers in a country of their own. Most socialist Zionists rejected the observance of traditional religious Judaism as perpetuating a “Diaspora mentality” among the Jewish people, and established rural communes in Israel called “kibbutzim”. The kibbutz began as a variation on a “national farm” scheme, a form of cooperative agriculture where the Jewish National Fund hired Jewish workers under trained supervision. The kibbutzim were a symbol of the Second Aliyah in that they put great emphasis on communalism and egalitarianism, representing Utopian socialism to a certain extent. Furthermore, they stressed self-sufficiency, which became an essential aspect of Labor Zionism. Though socialist Zionism draws its inspiration and is philosophically founded on the fundamental values and spirituality of Judaism, its progressive expression of that Judaism has often fostered an antagonistic relationship with Orthodox Judaism.[citation needed]

Labor Zionism became the dominant force in the political and economic life of the Yishuv during the British Mandate of Palestine and was the dominant ideology of the political establishment in Israel until the 1977 election when the Israeli Labor Party was defeated. The Israeli Labor Party continues the tradition, although the most popular party in the kibbutzim is Meretz.[160] Labor Zionism’s main institution is the Histadrut (general organisation of labor unions), which began by providing strikebreakers against a Palestinian worker’s strike in 1920 and until 1970s was the largest employer in Israel after the Israeli government.[161]

Liberal Zionism

General Zionism (or Liberal Zionism) was initially the dominant trend within the Zionist movement from the First Zionist Congress in 1897 until after the First World War. General Zionists identified with the liberal European middle class to which many Zionist leaders such as Herzl and Chaim Weizmann aspired. Liberal Zionism, although not associated with any single party in modern Israel, remains a strong trend in Israeli politics advocating free market principles, democracy and adherence to human rights. Their political arm was one of the ancestors of the modern-day Likud. Kadima, the main centrist party during the 2000s that split from Likud and is now defunct, however, did identify with many of the fundamental policies of Liberal Zionist ideology, advocating among other things the need for Palestinian statehood in order to form a more democratic society in Israel, affirming the free market, and calling for equal rights for Arab citizens of Israel. In 2013, Ari Shavit suggested that the success of the then-new Yesh Atid party (representing secular, middle-class interests) embodied the success of “the new General Zionists.”[162][better source needed]

Dror Zeigerman writes that the traditional positions of the General Zionists—”liberal positions based on social justice, on law and order, on pluralism in matters of State and Religion, and on moderation and flexibility in the domain of foreign policy and security”—are still favored by important circles and currents within certain active political parties.[163]

Philosopher Carlo Strenger describes a modern-day version of Liberal Zionism (supporting his vision of “Knowledge-Nation Israel”), rooted in the original ideology of Herzl and Ahad Ha’am, that stands in contrast to both the romantic nationalism of the right and the Netzah Yisrael of the ultra-Orthodox. It is marked by a concern for democratic values and human rights, freedom to criticize government policies without accusations of disloyalty, and rejection of excessive religious influence in public life. “Liberal Zionism celebrates the most authentic traits of the Jewish tradition: the willingness for incisive debate; the contrarian spirit of davka; the refusal to bow to authoritarianism.”[164][165] Liberal Zionists see that “Jewish history shows that Jews need and are entitled to a nation-state of their own. But they also think that this state must be a liberal democracy, which means that there must be strict equality before the law independent of religion, ethnicity or gender.”[166]

Revisionist Zionism

Revisionist Zionists, led by Ze’ev Jabotinsky, developed what became known as Nationalist Zionism, whose guiding principles were outlined in the 1923 essay Iron Wall. In 1935 the Revisionists left the World Zionist Organization because it refused to state that the creation of a Jewish state was an objective of Zionism.

Jabotinsky believed that,

Zionism is a colonising adventure and it therefore stands or falls by the question of armed force. It is important to build, it is important to speak Hebrew, but, unfortunately, it is even more important to be able to shoot—or else I am through with playing at colonization.[167][168]

and that

Although the Jews originated in the East, they belonged to the West culturally, morally, and spiritually. Zionism was conceived by Jabotinsky not as the return of the Jews to their spiritual homeland but as an offshoot or implant of Western civilization in the East. This worldview translated into a geostrategic conception in which Zionism was to be permanently allied with European colonialism against all the Arabs in the eastern Mediterranean.[169]

The revisionists advocated the formation of a Jewish Army in Palestine to force the Arab population to accept mass Jewish migration.

Supporters of Revisionist Zionism developed the Likud Party in Israel, which has dominated most governments since 1977. It advocates Israel’s maintaining control of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and takes a hard-line approach in the Arab–Israeli conflict. In 2005, the Likud split over the issue of creation of a Palestinian state in the occupied territories. Party members advocating peace talks helped form the Kadima Party.[170]

Religious Zionism

Religious Zionism is an ideology that combines Zionism and observant Judaism. Before the establishment of the State of Israel, Religious Zionists were mainly observant Jews who supported Zionist efforts to build a Jewish state in the Land of Israel. One of the core ideas in Religious Zionism is the belief that the ingathering of exiles in the Land of Israel and the establishment of Israel is Atchalta De’Geulah (“the beginning of the redemption”), the initial stage of the geula.[171]

After the Six-Day War and the capture of the West Bank, a territory referred to in Jewish terms as Judea and Samaria, right-wing components of the Religious Zionist movement integrated nationalist revindication and evolved into what is sometimes known as Neo-Zionism. Their ideology revolves around three pillars: the Land of Israel, the People of Israel and the Torah of Israel.[172]

Green Zionism

Green Zionism is a branch of Zionism primarily concerned with the environment of Israel. The only specifically environmentalist Zionist party is the Green Zionist Alliance.[citation needed]


During the last quarter of the 20th century, classic nationalism in Israel declined. This led to the rise of post-Zionism. Post-Zionism asserts that Israel should abandon the concept of a “state of the Jewish people” and strive to be a state of all its citizens,[173][better source needed] or a binational state where Arabs and Jews live together while enjoying some type of autonomy.[citation needed]

Non-Jewish support

Political support for the Jewish return to the Land of Israel predates the formal organization of Jewish Zionism as a political movement. In the 19th century, advocates of the restoration of the Jews to the Holy Land were called Restorationists. The return of the Jews to the Holy Land was widely supported by such eminent figures as Queen Victoria, Napoleon Bonaparte,[174] King Edward VII, President John Adams of the United States, General Smuts of South Africa, President Masaryk of Czechoslovakia, philosopher and historian Benedetto Croce from Italy, Henry Dunant (founder of the Red Cross and author of the Geneva Conventions), and scientist and humanitarian Fridtjof Nansen from Norway.[citation needed]

The French government, through Minister M. Cambon, formally committed itself to “… the renaissance of the Jewish nationality in that Land from which the people of Israel were exiled so many centuries ago.”[175]

In China, top figures of the Nationalist government, including Sun Yat-sen, expressed their sympathy with the aspirations of the Jewish people for a National Home.[176]

Christian Zionism

Some Christians actively supported the return of Jews to Palestine even prior to the rise of Zionism, as well as subsequently. Anita Shapira, a history professor emerita at Tel Aviv University, suggests that evangelical Christian restorationists of the 1840s ‘passed this notion on to Jewish circles’.[178] Evangelical Christian anticipation of and political lobbying within the UK for Restorationism was widespread in the 1820s and common beforehand.[179] It was common among the Puritans to anticipate and frequently to pray for a Jewish return to their homeland.[180][181][182]

One of the principal Protestant teachers who promoted the biblical doctrine that the Jews would return to their national homeland was John Nelson Darby. His doctrine of dispensationalism is credited with promoting Zionism, following his 11 lectures on the hopes of the church, the Jew and the gentile given in Geneva in 1840.[183] However, others like C H Spurgeon,[184] both Horatius[185] and Andrew Bonar, Robert Murray M’Chyene,[186] and J C Ryle[187] were among a number of prominent proponents of both the importance and significance of a Jewish return, who were not dispensationalist. Pro-Zionist views were embraced by many evangelicals and also affected international foreign policy.

The Russian Orthodox ideologue Hippolytus Lutostansky, also known as the author of multiple antisemitic tracts, insisted in 1911 that Russian Jews should be “helped” to move to Palestine “as their rightful place is in their former kingdom of Palestine”.[188]

Notable early supporters of Zionism include British Prime Ministers David Lloyd George and Arthur Balfour, American President Woodrow Wilson and British Major-General Orde Wingate, whose activities in support of Zionism led the British Army to ban him from ever serving in Palestine. According to Charles Merkley of Carleton University, Christian Zionism strengthened significantly after the Six-Day War of 1967, and many dispensationalist and non-dispensationalist evangelical Christians, especially Christians in the United States, now strongly support Zionism.[citation needed]

Martin Luther King Jr. was a strong supporter of Israel and Zionism,[177] although the Letter to an Anti-Zionist Friend is a work falsely attributed to him.

In the last years of his life, the founder of the Latter Day Saint movement, Joseph Smith, declared, “the time for Jews to return to the land of Israel is now.” In 1842, Smith sent Orson Hyde, an Apostle of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, to Jerusalem to dedicate the land for the return of the Jews.[189]

Some Arab Christians publicly supporting Israel include US author Nonie Darwish, and former Muslim Magdi Allam, author of Viva Israele,[190] both born in Egypt. Brigitte Gabriel, a Lebanese-born Christian US journalist and founder of the American Congress for Truth, urges Americans to “fearlessly speak out in defense of America, Israel and Western civilization”.[191]

Muslim Zionism

Muslims who have publicly defended Zionism include Tawfik Hamid, Islamic thinker and reformer[193] and former member of al-Gama’a al-Islamiyya, an Islamist militant group that is designated as a terrorist organization by the United States and European Union,[194] Sheikh Prof. Abdul Hadi Palazzi, Director of the Cultural Institute of the Italian Islamic Community[195] and Tashbih Sayyed, a Pakistani-American scholar, journalist, and author.[196]

On occasion, some non-Arab Muslims such as some Kurds and Berbers have also voiced support for Zionism.[197][198][199]

While most Israeli Druze identify as ethnically Arab,[200] today, tens of thousands of Israeli Druze belong to “Druze Zionist” movements.[192]

During the Palestine Mandate era, As’ad Shukeiri, a Muslim scholar (‘alim) of the Acre area, and the father of PLO founder Ahmad Shukeiri, rejected the values of the Palestinian Arab national movement and was opposed to the anti-Zionist movement.[201] He met routinely with Zionist officials and had a part in every pro-Zionist Arab organization from the beginning of the British Mandate, publicly rejecting Mohammad Amin al-Husayni’s use of Islam to attack Zionism.[202]

Some Indian Muslims have also expressed opposition to Islamic anti-Zionism. In August 2007, a delegation of the All India Organization of Imams and mosques led by its president Maulana Jamil Ilyas visited Israel. The meeting led to a joint statement expressing “peace and goodwill from Indian Muslims”, developing dialogue between Indian Muslims and Israeli Jews, and rejecting the perception that the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is of a religious nature.[203] The visit was organized by the American Jewish Committee. The purpose of the visit was to promote meaningful debate about the status of Israel in the eyes of Muslims worldwide and to strengthen the relationship between India and Israel. It is suggested that the visit could “open Muslim minds across the world to understand the democratic nature of the state of Israel, especially in the Middle East”.[204]

Hindu support for Zionism

After Israel’s creation in 1948, the Indian National Congress government opposed Zionism. Some writers have claimed that this was done in order to get more Muslim votes in India (where Muslims numbered over 30 million at the time).[205] Zionism, seen as a national liberation movement for the repatriation of the Jewish people to their homeland then under British colonial rule, appealed to many Hindu Nationalists, who viewed their struggle for independence from British rule and the Partition of India as national liberation for long-oppressed Hindus.

An international opinion survey has shown that India is the most pro-Israel country in the world.[206] In more current times, conservative Indian parties and organizations tend to support Zionism.[207] This has invited attacks on the Hindutva movement by parts of the Indian left opposed to Zionism, and allegations that Hindus are conspiring with the “Jewish Lobby.”[208]


Zionism is opposed by a wide variety of organizations and individuals. Among those opposing Zionism there are Palestinian nationalists, states of the Arab League and many of the Muslim world, the former Soviet Union,[210] some secular Jews,[211][212][page needed] and some sects of Judaism such as Satmar Hasidim and Neturei Karta.[213] Reasons for opposing Zionism are varied, and they include: the perception that land confiscations are unfair; expulsions of Palestinians; violence against Palestinians; and alleged racism. Arab states in particular strongly oppose Zionism, which they believe is responsible for the 1948 Palestinian exodus. The preamble of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which has been ratified by 53 African countries as of 2014[update], includes an undertaking to eliminate Zionism together with other practices including colonialism, neo-colonialism, apartheid, “aggressive foreign military bases” and all forms of discrimination.[214][215]

In 1945 US President Franklin D Roosevelt met with king Ibn Saud of Saudi Arabia. Ibn Saud pointed out that it was Germany who had committed crimes against the Jews and so Germany should be punished. Palestinian Arabs had done no harm to European Jews and did not deserve to be punished by losing their land. Roosevelt on return to the US concluded that Israel “could only be established and maintained by force.”[216]

Catholic Church and Zionism

Shortly after the First Zionist Congress, the semi-official Vatican periodical (edited by the Jesuits) Civiltà Cattolica gave its biblical-theological judgement on political Zionism: “1827 years have passed since the prediction of Jesus of Nazareth was fulfilled … that [after the destruction of Jerusalem] the Jews would be led away to be slaves among all the nations and that they would remain in the dispersion [diaspora, galut] until the end of the world.”[217] The Jews should not be permitted to return to Palestine with sovereignty: “According to the Sacred Scriptures, the Jewish people must always live dispersed and vagabondo [vagrant, wandering] among the other nations, so that they may render witness to Christ not only by the Scriptures … but by their very existence”.[217]

Nonetheless, Theodor Herzl travelled to Rome in late January 1904, after the sixth Zionist Congress (August 1903) and six months before his death, looking for support. On January 22, Herzl first met the Papal Secretary of State, Cardinal Rafael Merry del Val. According to Herzl’s private diary notes, the Cardinal’s interpretation of the history of Israel was the same as that of the Catholic Church, but he also asked for the conversion of the Jews to Catholicism. Three days later, Herzl met Pope Pius X, who replied to his request of support for a Jewish return to Israel in the same terms, saying that “we are unable to favor this movement. We cannot prevent the Jews from going to Jerusalem, but we could never sanction it … The Jews have not recognized our Lord, therefore we cannot recognize the Jewish people.” In 1922, the same periodical published a piece by its Viennese correspondent, “anti-Semitism is nothing but the absolutely necessary and natural reaction to the Jews’ arrogance… Catholic anti-Semitism—while never going beyond the moral law—adopts all necessary means to emancipate the Christian people from the abuse they suffer from their sworn enemy”.[218] This initial attitude changed over the next 50 years, until 1997, when at the Vatican symposium of that year, Pope John Paul II rejected the Christian roots of antisemitism, stating that “… the wrong and unjust interpretations of the New Testament relating to the Jewish people and their supposed guilt [in Christ’s death] circulated for too long, engendering sentiments of hostility toward this people.”[219]

Characterization as colonialist and racist

David Ben-Gurion stated that “There will be no discrimination among citizens of the Jewish state on the basis of race, religion, sex, or class.”[220] Likewise, Vladimir Jabotinsky avowed “the minority will not be rendered defenseless… [the] aim of democracy is to guarantee that the minority too has influence on matters of state policy.”[221] Supporters of Zionism, such as Chaim Herzog, argue that the movement is non-discriminatory and contains no racist aspects.[222][better source needed]

However, some critics of Zionism consider it a colonialist[23] or racist[24] movement. According to historian Avi Shlaim, throughout its history up to present day, Zionism “is replete with manifestations of deep hostility and contempt towards the indigenous population.” Shlaim balances this by pointing out that there have always been individuals within the Zionist movement that have criticized such attitudes. He cites the example of Ahad Ha’am, who after visiting Palestine in 1891, published a series of articles criticizing the aggressive behaviour and political ethnocentrism of Zionist settlers. Ha’am reportedly wrote that the Yishuv “behave towards the Arabs with hostility and cruelty, trespass unjustly upon their boundaries, beat them shamefully without reason and even brag about it, and nobody stands to check this contemptible and dangerous tendency” and that they believed that “the only language that the Arabs understand is that of force.”[223] Some criticisms of Zionism claim that Judaism’s notion of the “chosen people” is the source of racism in Zionism,[224] despite, according to Gustavo Perednik, that being a religious concept unrelated to Zionism.[225] This characterization of Zionism as a colonialism has been made by, among others, Gershon Shafir, Michael Prior, Ilan Pappe, and Baruch Kimmerling.[23] Noam Chomsky, John P. Quigly, Nur Masalha, and Cheryl Rubenberg have criticized Zionism, saying that it unfairly confiscates land and expels Palestinians.[226] Isaac Deutscher has called Israelis the ‘Prussians of the Middle East’, who have achieved a ‘totsieg’, a ‘victorious rush into the grave’ as a result of dispossessing 1.5 million Palestinians. Israel had become the ‘last remaining colonial power’ of the twentieth century.[227] Saleh Abdel Jawad, Nur Masalha, Michael Prior, Ian Lustick, and John Rose have criticized Zionism for having been responsible for violence against Palestinians, such as the Deir Yassin massacre, Sabra and Shatila massacre, and Cave of the Patriarchs massacre.[228]

Edward Said and Michael Prior claim that the notion of expelling the Palestinians was an early component of Zionism, citing Herzl’s diary from 1895 which states “we shall endeavour to expel the poor population across the border unnoticed—the process of expropriation and the removal of the poor must be carried out discreetly and circumspectly.”[229] This quotation has been critiqued by Efraim Karsh for misrepresenting Herzl’s purpose.[230][better source needed] He describes it as “a feature of Palestinian propaganda”, writing that Herzl was referring to the voluntary resettlement of squatters living on land purchased by Jews, and that the full diary entry stated, “It goes without saying that we shall respectfully tolerate persons of other faiths and protect their property, their honor, and their freedom with the harshest means of coercion. This is another area in which we shall set the entire world a wonderful example … Should there be many such immovable owners in individual areas [who would not sell their property to us], we shall simply leave them there and develop our commerce in the direction of other areas which belong to us.”[231][232] Derek Penslar says that Herzl may have been considering either South America or Palestine when he wrote the diary entry about expropriation.[233] According to Walter Laqueur, although many Zionists proposed transfer, it was never official Zionist policy and in 1918 Ben-Gurion “emphatically rejected” it.[234]

The exodus of the Arab Palestinians during the 1947-1949 war has been controversially described as having involved ethnic cleansing.[235][236] According to a growing consensus between ‘new historians’ in Israel and Palestinian historians, expulsion and destruction of villages played a part in the origin of the Palestinian refugees.[237] While British scholar Efraim Karsh states that most of the Arabs who fled left of their own accord or were pressured to leave by their fellow Arabs, despite Israeli attempts to convince them to stay,[238][239] ‘New historians’ dismiss this claim,[240] and as such, Beny Morris concur that Arab instigation was not the major cause of the refugees’ flight,[241] and state that the major cause of Palestinian flight was instead military actions by the Israeli Defence Force and fear of them and that Arab instigation can only explain a small part of the exodus and not a large part of it.[242][243][244][245][246][247] Ilan Pappe said that Zionism resulted in ethnic cleansing.[248] This view diverges from other New Historians, such as Benny Morris, who place the Palestinian exodus in the context of war, not ethnic cleansing.[249] When Benny Morris was asked about the Expulsion of Palestinians from Lydda and Ramle, he responded “There are circumstances in history that justify ethnic cleansing. I know that this term is completely negative in the discourse of the 21st century, but when the choice is between ethnic cleansing and genocide—the annihilation of your people—I prefer ethnic cleansing.”[250]

In 1938, Mahatma Gandhi said in the letter “The Jews”, that the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine must be performed by non-violence against the Arabs, comparing it to the Partition of India into Hindu and Muslim countries, he proposed to the Jews to “offer themselves to be shot or thrown into the Dead Sea without raising a little finger against them”.[251] He expressed his “sympathy” for the Jewish aspirations, but said: “The cry for the national home for the Jews does not make much appeal to me. The sanction for it is sought in the Bible and the tenacity with which the Jews have hankered after return to Palestine. Why should they not, like other peoples of the earth, make that country their home where they are born and where they earn their livelihood?”[252][better source needed] and warned them against violence: “It is wrong and inhuman to impose the Jews on the Arabs … Surely it would be a crime against humanity to reduce the proud Arabs so that Palestine can be restored to the Jews partly or wholly as their national home … They can settle in Palestine only by the goodwill of the Arabs. They should seek to convert the Arab heart”.[253] Gandhi later told American journalist Louis Fischer in 1946 that “Jews have a good case in Palestine. If the Arabs have a claim to Palestine, the Jews have a prior claim”.[254] He expressed himself again in 1946, nuancing his views: “Hitherto I have refrained practically from saying anything in public regarding the Jew-Arab controversy. I have done so for good reasons. That does not mean any want of interest in the question, but it does mean that I do not consider myself sufficiently equipped with knowledge for the purpose”. He concluded: If they were to adopt the matchless weapon of non-violence … their case would be the world’s and I have no doubt that among the many things that the Jews have given to the world, this would be the best and the brightest”.[255][better source needed]

In December 1973, the UN passed a series of resolutions condemning South Africa and included a reference to an “unholy alliance between Portuguese colonialism, Apartheid and Zionism.”[256] At the time there was little cooperation between Israel and South Africa,[257] although the two countries would develop a close relationship during the 1970s.[258] Parallels have also been drawn between aspects of South Africa’s apartheid regime and certain Israeli policies toward the Palestinians, which are seen as manifestations of racism in Zionist thinking.[259]

In 1975 the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 3379, which said “Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination”. According to the resolution, “any doctrine of racial differentiation of superiority is scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust, and dangerous.” The resolution named the occupied territory of Palestine, Zimbabwe, and South Africa as examples of racist regimes. Resolution 3379 was pioneered by the Soviet Union and passed with numerical support from Arab and African states amidst accusations that Israel was supportive of the apartheid regime in South Africa.[260] In 1991 the resolution was repealed with UN General Assembly Resolution 46/86,[261][better source needed] after Israel declared that it would only participate in the Madrid Conference of 1991 if the resolution were revoked.[262]

Arab countries sought to associate Zionism with racism in connection with a 2001 UN conference on racism, which took place in Durban, South Africa,[263] which caused the United States and Israel to walk away from the conference as a response. The final text of the conference did not connect Zionism with racism. A human rights forum arranged in connection with the conference, on the other hand, did equate Zionism with racism and censured Israel for what it called “racist crimes, including acts of genocide and ethnic cleansing”.[264]

Haredi Judaism and Zionism

Some Haredi Orthodox organizations reject Zionism as they view it as a secular movement and reject nationalism as a doctrine. Hasidic groups in Jerusalem, most famously the Satmar Hasidim, as well as the larger movement they are part of, the Edah HaChareidis, are opposing its ideology for religious reasons. They number in the tens of thousands in Jerusalem, and hundreds of thousands worldwide.[citation needed] One of the best known Hasidic opponents of political Zionism was Hungarian rebbe and Talmudic scholar Joel Teitelbaum.

The Neturei Karta, an Orthodox Haredi sect viewed as a cult on the “farthest fringes of Judaism” by most mainstream Jews, reject Zionism.[265] The Anti-Defamation League estimates that fewer than 100 members of the community (around 5,000 members[266][better source needed]), actually take part in anti-Israel activism.[265] Some have said that Israel is a “racist regime”,[267] compared Zionists to Nazis,[268] claimed that Zionism is contrary to the teachings of the Torah,[269] or accused it of promoting antisemitism.[270] According to the Anti-Defamation League, members of Neturei Karta have a history of extremist statements and support for notable antisemites and Islamic extremists.[265]

Anti-Zionism or antisemitism

Critics of anti-Zionism have argued that opposition to Zionism can be hard to distinguish from antisemitism,[271][272] and that criticism of Israel may be used as an excuse to express viewpoints that might otherwise be considered antisemitic.[273][274] In discussion of the relationship between antisemitism and anti-Zionism, “one theory holds that anti-Zionism is no more than veiled anti-Semitism”. This is contrasted with the theory “that criticism has of Israeli politics has been discredited as anti-Zionism, and thus linked with anti-Semitism, in order to prevent such criticism”.[275]

In the Arab world, the words “Jew” and “Zionist” are often used interchangeably. To avoid accusations of antisemitism, the Palestine Liberation Organization has historically avoided using the word “Jewish” in favor of using “Zionist,” though PLO officials have sometimes slipped.[276]

Some antisemites have alleged that Zionism was, or is, part of a Jewish plot to take control of the world.[277] One particular version of these allegations, “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion” achieved global notability. A 1920 German version renamed them “The Zionist Protocols”.[278] The protocols were extensively used as propaganda by the Nazis and remain widely distributed in the Arab world. They are referred to in the 1988 Hamas charter.[279]

Anti-Zionist writers such as Noam Chomsky, Norman Finkelstein, Michael Marder, and Tariq Ali have argued that the characterization of anti-Zionism as antisemitic obscures legitimate criticism of Israel’s policies and actions, and that it is used as a political ploy in order to stifle legitimate criticism of Israel.

  • Linguist Noam Chomsky argues: “There have long been efforts to identify anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in an effort to exploit anti-racist sentiment for political ends; “one of the chief tasks of any dialogue with the Gentile world is to prove that the distinction between anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism is not a distinction at all,” Israeli diplomat Abba Eban argued, in a typical expression of this intellectually and morally disreputable position (Eban, Congress Bi-Weekly, March 30, 1973). But that no longer suffices. It is now necessary to identify criticism of Israeli policies as anti-Semitism—or in the case of Jews, as “self-hatred,” so that all possible cases are covered.” – Chomsky, 1989 “Necessary Illusions”.
  • Philosopher Michael Marder argues: “To deconstruct Zionism is … to demand justice for its victims—not only for the Palestinians, who are suffering from it, but also for the anti-Zionist Jews, ‘erased’ from the officially consecrated account of Zionist history. By deconstructing its ideology, we shed light on the context it strives to repress and on the violence it legitimises with a mix of theological or metaphysical reasoning and affective appeals to historical guilt for the undeniably horrific persecution of Jewish people in Europe and elsewhere.”[280]
  • American political scientist Norman Finkelstein argues that anti-Zionism and often just criticism of Israeli policies have been conflated with antisemitism, sometimes called new antisemitism for political gain: “Whenever Israel faces a public relations débâcle such as the Intifada or international pressure to resolve the Israel-Palestine conflict, American Jewish organizations orchestrate this extravaganza called the ‘new anti-Semitism.’ The purpose is several-fold. First, it is to discredit any charges by claiming the person is an anti-Semite. It’s to turn Jews into the victims, so that the victims are not the Palestinians any longer. As people like Abraham Foxman of the ADL put it, the Jews are being threatened by a new holocaust. It’s a role reversal—the Jews are now the victims, not the Palestinians. So it serves the function of discrediting the people leveling the charge. It’s no longer Israel that needs to leave the Occupied Territories; it’s the Arabs who need to free themselves of the anti-Semitism.”[281]

Marcus Garvey and Black Zionism

Zionist success in winning British support for the formation of a Jewish National Home in Palestine helped inspire the Jamaican Black nationalist Marcus Garvey to form a movement dedicated to returning Americans of African origin to Africa. During a speech in Harlem in 1920, Garvey stated: “other races were engaged in seeing their cause through—the Jews through their Zionist movement and the Irish through their Irish movement—and I decided that, cost what it might, I would make this a favorable time to see the Negro’s interest through.”[282] Garvey established a shipping company, the Black Star Line, to allow Black Americans to emigrate to Africa, but for various reasons he failed in his endeavor.

Garvey helped inspire the Rastafari movement in Jamaica, the Black Jews[283] and the African Hebrew Israelites of Jerusalem who initially moved to Liberia before settling in Israel.

See also


Explanatory notes

  1. ^ Zionism has been described either as a form of ethnic nationalism[1] or as a form of ethno-cultural nationalism with civic nationalist components.[2]
  2. ^ The reasons for this decision were explained by His Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in a speech to the House of Commons on February 18, 1947, in which he said:
    “His Majesty’s Government have been faced with an irreconcilable conflict of principles. There are in Palestine about 1,200,000 Arabs and 600,000 Jews. For the Jews the essential point of principle is the creation of a sovereign Jewish State. For the Arabs, the essential point of principle is to resist to the last establishment of Jewish sovereignty in any part of Palestine. The discussions of the last month have quite clearly shown that there is no prospect of resolving this conflict by any settlement negotiated between the parties. But if the conflict has to be resolved by an arbitrary decision, that is not a decision which His Majesty’s Government are empowered, as Mandatory, to take. His Majesty’s Government have of themselves no power, under the terms of the Mandate, to award the country either to the Arabs or to the Jews, or even to partition it between them.”


  1. ^ Medding, P.Y. (1995). Studies in Contemporary Jewry: XI: Values, Interests, and Identity: Jews and Politics in a Changing World. Studies in Contemporary Jewry. OUP USA/Institute of Contemporary Jewry, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. p. 11. ISBN 978-0-19-510331-1. Retrieved March 11, 2019.
  2. ^ Gans, Chaim (2008). A Just Zionism: On the Morality of the Jewish State. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195340686.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-986717-2. Archived from the original on December 27, 2019. Retrieved March 16, 2019.
  3. ^ Motyl 2001, pp. 604..
  4. ^ Herzl, Theodor (1988) [1896]. “Biography, by Alex Bein”. Der Judenstaat [The Jewish state]. Translated by Sylvie d’Avigdor (republication ed.). New York: Courier Dover. p. 40. ISBN 978-0-486-25849-2. Retrieved September 28, 2010.
  5. ^ “Zionism”. Oxford Dictionary. Archived from the original on April 4, 2016. Retrieved June 30, 2016.
  6. ^ “Zionism | nationalistic movement”. Retrieved June 30, 2016.
  7. ^ Safrai, Zeʾev (May 2, 2018), “The Land in Rabbinic Literature”, Seeking out the Land: Land of Israel Traditions in Ancient Jewish, Christian and Samaritan Literature (200 BCE – 400 CE), Brill, pp. 76–203, ISBN 978-90-04-33482-3, retrieved July 6, 2023 “The preoccupation of rabbinic literature in all its forms with the Land of Israel is without question intensive and constant. It is no wonder that this literature offers historians of the Land of Israel a wealth of information for the clarification of a wide variety of topics.”
  8. ^ Biger, Gideon (2004). The Boundaries of Modern Palestine, 1840–1947. Routledge. pp. 58–63. ISBN 978-1-135-76652-8.

    Unlike the earlier literature that dealt with Palestine’s delimitation, the boundaries were not presented according to their historical traditional meaning, but according to the boundaries of the Jewish Eretz Israel that was about to be established there. This approach characterizes all the Zionist publications at the time … when they came to indicate borders, they preferred the realistic condition and strategic economic needs over an unrealistic dream based on the historic past.’ This meant that planners envisaged a future Palestine that controlled all the Jordan’s sources, the southern part of the Litanni river in Lebanon, the large cultivatable area east of the Jordan, including the Houran and Gil’ad wheat zone, Mt Hermon, the Yarmuk and Yabok rivers, the Hijaz Railway …

  9. ^ Motyl 2001, p. 604.
  10. ^ Herzl, Theodor (1988) [1896]. “Biography, by Alex Bein”. Der Judenstaat [The Jewish state]. Translated by Sylvie d’Avigdor (republication ed.). New York: Courier Dover. p. 40. ISBN 978-0-486-25849-2. Archived from the original on January 1, 2014. Retrieved September 28, 2010.
  11. ^ Zionism. {{cite encyclopedia}}:|work=ignored (help)
  12. ^ Ben-Ami Shillony (2012). Jews & the Japanese: The Successful Outsiders. Tuttle Publishing. p. 88. ISBN 978-1-4629-0396-2. Archived from the original on December 25, 2018. Retrieved November 21, 2017.

    (Zionism) arose in response to and in imitation of the current national movements of Central, Southern, and Eastern Europe

  13. ^ LeVine, Mark; Mossberg, Mathias (2014). One Land, Two States: Israel and Palestine as Parallel States. University of California Press. p. 211. ISBN 978-0-520-95840-1. Archived from the original on November 17, 2016. Retrieved March 16, 2016.

    The parents of Zionism were not Judaism and tradition, but antiSemitism and nationalism. The ideals of the French Revolution spread slowly across Europe, finally reaching the Pale of Settlement in the Russian Empire and helping to set off the Haskalah, or Jewish Enlightenment. This engendered a permanent split in the Jewish world, between those who held to a halachic or religious-centric vision of their identity and those who adopted in part the racial rhetoric of the time and made the Jewish people into a nation. This was helped along by the wave of pogroms in Eastern Europe that set two million Jews to flight; most wound up in America, but some chose Palestine. A driving force behind this was the Hovevei Zion movement, which worked from 1882 to develop a Hebrew identity that was distinct from Judaism as a religion.

  14. ^ Gelvin, James L. (2014). The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War. Cambridge University Press. p. 93. ISBN 978-1-107-47077-4. Archived from the original on November 17, 2016. Retrieved March 16, 2016.

    The fact that Palestinian nationalism developed later than Zionism and indeed in response to it does not in any way diminish the legitimacy of Palestinian nationalism or make it less valid than Zionism. All nationalisms arise in opposition to some “other”. Why else would there be the need to specify who you are? And all nationalisms are defined by what they oppose. As we have seen, Zionism itself arose in reaction to anti-Semitic and exclusionary nationalist movements in Europe. It would be perverse to judge Zionism as somehow less valid than European anti-Semitism or those nationalisms. Furthermore, Zionism itself was also defined by its opposition to the indigenous Palestinian inhabitants of the region. Both the “conquest of land” and the “conquest of labor” slogans that became central to the dominant strain of Zionism in the Yishuv originated as a result of the Zionist confrontation with the Palestinian “other”.

  15. ^ Cohen, Robin (1995). The Cambridge Survey of World Migration. Cambridge University Press. p. 504. ISBN 978-0-521-44405-7.

    Zionism Colonize palestine.

  16. ^ Gelvin, James (2007). The Israel–Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 51. ISBN 978-0-521-88835-6. Archived from the original on February 20, 2017. Retrieved February 19, 2016.
  17. ^ Ilan Pappe, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, 2006, pp. 10–11
  18. ^ Gamlen, Alan (2019). Human Geopolitics: States, Emigrants, and the Rise of Diaspora Institutions. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-883349-9.
  19. ^ Butenschøn, Nils A. (2006). “Accommodating Conflicting Claims to National Self-determination. The Intractable Case of Israel/Palestine”. International Journal on Minority and Group Rights. 13 (2/3): 285–306. doi:10.1163/157181106777909858. ISSN 1385-4879. JSTOR 24675372.

    [T]he Zionist claim to Palestine on behalf of world Jewry as an extra-territorial population was unique, and not supported (as admitted at the time) by established interpretations of the principle of national self-determination, expressed in the Covenant of the League of later versions), and as applied to the other territories with the same status as Palestine (‘A’ mandate).

  20. ^ Israel Affairs. Volume 13, Issue 4, 2007 – Special Issue: Postcolonial Theory and the Arab-Israel Conflict – De-Judaizing the Homeland: Academic Politics in Rewriting the History of Palestine. S. Ilan Troen
  21. ^ Aaronson, Ran (1996). “Settlement in Eretz Israel – A Colonialist Enterprise? “Critical” Scholarship and Historical Geography”. Israel Studies. Indiana University Press. 1 (2): 214–229. Archived from the original on December 21, 2013. Retrieved July 30, 2013.
  22. ^ “Zionism and British imperialism II: Imperial financing in Palestine”, Journal of Israeli History: Politics, Society, Culture. Volume 30, Issue 2, 2011. pp. 115–139. Michael J. Cohen
  23. ^ a b c
    • Shafir, Gershon, Being Israeli: The Dynamics of Multiple Citizenship, Cambridge University Press, 2002, pp. 37–38
    • Bareli, Avi, “Forgetting Europe: Perspectives on the Debate about Zionism and Colonialism”, in Israeli Historical Revisionism: From Left to Right, Psychology Press, 2003, pp. 99–116
    • Pappé Ilan, A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples, Cambridge University Press, 2006, pp. 72–121
    • Prior, Michael, The Bible and colonialism: a moral critique, Continuum International Publishing Group, 1997, pp. 106–215
    • Shafir, Gershon, “Zionism and Colonialism”, in The Israel / Palestinian Question, by Ilan Pappe, Psychology Press, 1999, pp. 72–85
    • Lustick, Ian, For the Land and the Lord …
    • Zuriek, Elia, The Palestinians in Israel: A Study in Internal Colonialism, Routledge & K. Paul, 1979
    • Penslar, Derek J., “Zionism, Colonialism and Postcolonialism”, in Israeli Historical Revisionism: From Left to Right, Psychology Press, 2003, pp. 85–98
    • Pappe, Ilan, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, Oneworld, 2007
    • Masalha, Nur (2007), The Bible and Zionism: invented traditions, archaeology and post-colonialism in Palestine-Israel, vol. 1, Zed Books, p. 16
    • Thomas, Baylis (2011), The Dark Side of Zionism: Israel’s Quest for Security Through Dominance, Lexington Books, p. 4
    • Prior, Michael (1999), Zionism and the State of Israel: A Moral Inquiry, Psychology Press, p. 240
  24. ^ a b
    • Zionism, imperialism, and race, Abdul Wahhab Kayyali, ʻAbd al-Wahhāb Kayyālī (Eds), Croom Helm, 1979
    • Gerson, Allan, “The United Nations and Racism: the Case of Zionism and Racism”, in Israel Yearbook on Human Rights 1987, Volume 17; Volume 1987, Yoram Dinstein, Mala Tabory (Eds), Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1988, p. 68
    • Hadawi, Sami, Bitter harvest: a modern history of Palestine, Interlink Books, 1991, p. 183
    • Beker, Avi, Chosen: the history of an idea, the anatomy of an obsession, Macmillan, 2008, pp. 131, 139, 151
    • Dinstein, Yoram, Israel Yearbook on Human Rights 1987, Volume 17; Volume 1987, pp. 31, 136
    • Harkabi, Yehoshafat, Arab attitudes to Israel, pp. 247–248
  25. ^ See for example: M. Shahid Alam (2010), Israeli Exceptionalism: The Destabilizing Logic of Zionism Paperback, or “Through the Looking Glass: The Myth of Israeli Exceptionalism” Archived September 21, 2017, at the Wayback Machine, Huffington Post
  26. ^ Nur Masalha (2007). The Bible and Zionism: Invented Traditions, Archaeology and Post-Colonialism in Palestine- Israel. Zed Books. p. 314. ISBN 978-1-84277-761-9. Archived from the original on January 12, 2017. Retrieved February 19, 2016.
  27. ^ Ned Curthoys; Debjani Ganguly (2007). Edward Said: The Legacy of a Public Intellectual. Academic Monographs. p. 315. ISBN 978-0-522-85357-5. Archived from the original on January 12, 2017. Retrieved May 12, 2013.
  28. ^ Nādira Shalhūb Kīfūrkiyān (2009). Militarization and Violence Against Women in Conflict Zones in the Middle East: A Palestinian Case-Study. Cambridge University Press. p. 9. ISBN 978-0-521-88222-4. Archived from the original on May 2, 2014. Retrieved May 12, 2013.
  29. ^ Paul Scham; Walid Salem; Benjamin Pogrund (2005). Shared Histories: A Palestinian-Israeli Dialogue. Left Coast Press. pp. 87–. ISBN 978-1-59874-013-4. Archived from the original on January 7, 2014. Retrieved May 12, 2013.
  30. ^ This is Jerusalem, Menashe Harel, Canaan Publishing, Jerusalem, 1977, pp. 194–195
  31. ^ Barnett, Michael (2020), Phillips, Andrew; Reus-Smit, Christian (eds.), “The Jewish Problem in International Society”, Culture and Order in World Politics, Cambridge University Press, pp. 232–249, doi:10.1017/9781108754613.011, ISBN 978-1-108-48497-8, S2CID 214484283
  32. ^ Kühntopf-Gentz, Michael (1990). Nathan Birnbaum: Biographie (in German). Eberhard-Karls-Universität zu Tübingen. p. 39.

    Nathan Birnbaum wird immer wieder als derjenige erwähnt, der die Begriffe “Zionismus” und “zionistisch” eingeführt habe, auch sieht er es selbst so, obwohl er es später bereut und Bedauern darüber äußert, wie die von ihm geprägten Begriffe verwendet werden. Das Wort “zionistisch” erscheint bei Birnbaum zuerst in einem Artikel der “Selbst-Emancipation” vom 1 April 1890: “Es ist zu hoffen, dass die Erkenntnis der Richtigkeit und Durchführbarkeit der zionistischen Idee stets weitere Kreise ziehen und in der Assimilationsepoche anerzogene Vorurteile beseitigen wird”

  33. ^ Selbst-Emancipation : Zeitschrift für die nationalen, socialen und politischen Interessen des jüdischen Stammes; Organ der Zionisten : (1.4.1890). 1890 Heft 1 (1.4.1890). Wien. August 13, 1890. Retrieved July 7, 2023. {{cite book}}:|website=ignored (help)
  34. ^ Gideon Shimoni, The Zionist Ideology (1995)
  35. ^ Aviel Roshwald, “Jewish Identity and the Paradox of Nationalism”, in Michael Berkowitz, (ed.). Nationalism, Zionism and Ethnic Mobilization of the Jews in 1900 and Beyond, p. 15.
  36. ^ Wylen, Stephen M. Settings of Silver: An Introduction to Judaism, 2nd. ed., Paulist Press, 2000, p. 392.
  37. ^ Walter Laqueur, The History of Zionism (2003) p. 40
  38. ^ Herzl, Theodor (2012). The Jewish State. Courier Corporation. p. 80. ISBN 978-0-486-11961-8.

    if all or any of the French Jews protest against this scheme on account of their own “assimilation,” my answer is simple: The whole thing does not concern them at all. They are Jewish Frenchmen, well and good! This is a private affair for the Jews alone. The movement towards the organization of the State I am proposing would, of course, harm Jewish Frenchmen no more than it would harm the “assimilated” of other countries. It would, on the contrary, be distinctly to their advantage. For they would no longer be disturbed in their “chromatic function,” as Darwin puts it, but would be able to assimilate in peace, because the present Anti-Semitism would have been stopped for ever. They would certainly be credited with being assimilated to the very depths of their souls, if they stayed where they were after the new Jewish State, with its superior institutions, had become a reality. The “assimilated” would profit even more than Christian citizens by the departure of faithful Jews; for they would be rid of the disquieting, incalculable, and unavoidable rivalry of a Jewish proletariat, driven by poverty and political pressure from place to place, from land to land. This floating proletariat would become stationary.

  39. ^ The Jewish State, by Theodor Herzl, (Courier Corporation, 27 Apr 2012), p. 157
  40. ^ A.R. Taylor, “Vision and intent in Zionist Thought”, in The Transformation of Palestine, ed. by I. Abu-Lughod, 1971, ISBN 978-0-8101-0345-0, p. 10
  41. ^ Tesler, Mark. Jewish History and the Emergence of Modern Political Zionism. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Printing Press, 1994.
  42. ^ Laqueur, W. (2009). A History of Zionism: From the French Revolution to the Establishment of the State of Israel. p. 84
  43. ^ a b Herzl, Theodor (1896). “Palästina oder Argentinien?”. Der Judenstaat (in German). sammlungen.ub.uni-frankfurt.de. p. 29 (31). Retrieved May 27, 2016.
  44. ^ Hirsch 2009, pp. 592–609 “The work of Jewish race scientists has been the subject of several recent studies (Efron 1994; R. Falk 2006; Hart 2000; Kiefer 1991; Lipphardt 2007; Y. Weiss 2002; see also Doron 1980). As these studies suggest, among Jewish physicians, anthropologists, and other ‘men of science’ in Central Europe, proponents of the idea that the Jews were a race were found mainly in the ranks of Zionists, as the idea implied a common biological nature of the otherwise geographically, linguistically, and culturally divided Jewish people, and offered scientific ‘proof’ of the ethno-nationalist myth of common descent (Doron 1980: 404; Y. Weiss 2002: 155). At the same time, many of these proponents agreed that the Jews were suffering a process of ‘degeneration, and so their writings advanced the national project as a means of ‘regeneration’ and ‘racial improvement’ (R. Falk 2006; Hart 2000: 17)… In the Zionist case, the nation-building project was fused with a cultural project of Westernization. ‘Race’ was an integral concept in certain versions of nationalist thinking, and in Western identity (Bonnett 2003), albeit in different ways. In the discourse of Zionist men of science, ‘race’ served different purposes, according to the context in question. In some contexts ‘race’ was mainly used to establish Jewish unity, while in others it was used to establish diversity and hierarchy among Jews. The latter use was more common in texts which appeared in Palestine. It resulted from the encounter of European Zionists with Eastern Jews, and from the tension between the projects of nation-building and of Westernization in the context of Zionist settlement in the East.”
  45. ^ Egorova, Yulia (2009). “The proof is in the genes? Jewish responses to DNA research”. Culture and Religion. Informa UK Limited. 10 (2): 159–175. doi:10.1080/14755610903077554. ISSN 1475-5610. S2CID 30486332.

    At the same time, the idea that Jews are a people connected to each other on a ‘biological’ level has been promoted by Zionist ideologues. This racialisation of Jewish identity in the rhetoric of the founders of Zionism was a response to the shift from Christian anti-Semitism to racial anti-Semitism, which occurred in Europe in the late nineteenth century.

  46. ^ a b Falk, R. (2014). “Genetic markers cannot determine Jewish descent”. Frontiers in Genetics. 5 (462): 462. doi:10.3389/fgene.2014.00462. PMC 4301023. PMID 25653666.
  47. ^ McGonigle 2021, p. 35 (c.f. p.52-53 of PhD): “Here, the ethnic composition of Israel is crucial. Despite the ambiguity in respect of the legal, biological, and social ‘nature’ of ‘Jewish genes’ and their intermittent role in the reproduction of Jewish identity, Israel is an ethnically diverse country. Many Jewish immigrants have arrived from Eastern Europe, North Africa, France, India, Latin America, Yemen, Iraq, Ethiopia, the US, Zimbabwe, South Africa, and the ex-Soviet Union, not to mention Israel’s indigenous Arab minority of close to 2 million people. And while Jewishness has often been imagined as a biological race – most notably, and to horrific ends, by the Nazis, but also later by Zionists and early Israelis for state-building purposes – the initial origins of the Ashkenazi Jews who began the Zionist movement in turn-of-the-century Europe remain highly debated and enigmatic.”
  48. ^ Abu El-Haj 2012, p. 98 “There is a “problem” regarding the origins of the Ashkenazim, which needs resolution: Ashkenazi Jews, who seem European—phenotypically, that is—are the normative center of world Jewry. No less, they are the political and cultural elite of the newly founded Jewish state. Given their central symbolic and political capital in the Jewish state and given simultaneously the scientific and social persistence of racial logics as ways of categorizing and understanding human groups, it was essential to find other evidence that Israel’s European Jews were not in truth Europeans. The normative Jew had to have his/her origins in ancient Palestine or else the fundamental tenet of Zionism, the entire edifice of Jewish history and nationalist ideology, would come tumbling down. In short, the Ashkenazi Jew is the Jew—the Jew in relation to whose values and cultural practices the oriental Jew in Israel must assimilate. Simultaneously, however, the Ashkenazi Jew is the most dubious Jew, the Jew whose historical and genealogical roots in ancient Palestine are most difficult to see and perhaps thus to believe—in practice, although clearly not by definition.”
  49. ^ a b Baker 2017, p. 100-102.
  50. ^ Morris-Reich, Amos (2006). “Arthur Ruppin’s Concept of Race”. Israel Studies. Indiana University Press. 11 (3): 1–30. doi:10.2979/ISR.2006.11.3.1. ISSN 1084-9513. JSTOR 30245648. S2CID 144898510.
  51. ^ Haddad, Hassan S. [in Arabic] (1974). “The Biblical Bases of Zionist Colonialism”. Journal of Palestine Studies. [University of California Press, Institute for Palestine Studies]. 3 (4): 98–99. doi:10.2307/2535451. ISSN 0377-919X. JSTOR 2535451.

    The Zionist moveinent remains firmly anchored on the basic principle of the exclusive right of the Jews to Palestine that is found in the Torah and in other Jewish religious literature. Zionists who are not religious, in the sense of following the ritual practices of Judaism, are still biblical in their basic convictions in, and practical application of the ancient particularism of the Torah and the other books of the Old Testament. They are biblical in putting their national goals on a level that goes beyond historical, humanistic or moral considerations… We can summarize these beliefs, based on the Bible, as follows. 1. The Jews are a separate and exclusive people chosen by God to fulfil a destiny. The Jews of the twentieth century have inherited the covenant of divine election and historical destiny from the Hebrew tribes that existed more than 3000 years ago. 2. The covenant included a definite ownership of the Land of Canaan (Palestine) as patrimony of the Israelites and their descendants forever. By no name, and under no other conditions, can any other people lay a rightful claim to that land. 3. The occupation and settlement of this land is a duty placed collectively on the Jews to establish a state for the Jews. The purity of the Jewishness of the land is derived from a divine command and is thus a sacred mission. Accordingly, settling in Palestine, in addition to its economic and political motivations, acquires a romantic and mythical character. That the Bible is at the root of Zionism is recognized by religious, secular, non-observant, and agnostic Zionists… The Bible, which has been generally considered as a holy book whose basic tenets and whose historical contents are not commonly challenged by Christians and Jews, is usually referred to as the Jewish national record. As a “sacrosanct title-deed to Palestine,” it has caused a fossilization of history in Zionist thinking… Modern Jews, accordingly, are the direct descendants of the ancient Israelites, hence the only possible citizens of the Land of Palestine.

  52. ^ a b McGonigle 2021, p. 36 (c.f. p.54 of PhD): “The stakes in the debate over Jewish origins are high, however, since the founding narrative of the Israeli state is based on exilic ‘return.’ If European Jews have descended from converts, the Zionist project falls prey to the pejorative categorization as ‘settler colonialism’ pursued under false assumptions, playing into the hands of Israel’s critics and fueling the indignation of the displaced and stateless Palestinian people. The politics of ‘Jewish genetics’ is consequently fierce. But irrespective of philosophical questions of the indexical power or validity of genetic tests for Jewishness, and indeed the historical basis of a Jewish population ‘returning’ to the Levant, the Realpolitik of Jewishness as a measurable biological category could also impinge on access to basic rights and citizenship within Israel.”
  53. ^ Rich, Dave (January 2, 2017). “Anti-Judaism, Antisemitism, and Delegitimizing Israel”. Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs. 11 (1): 101–104. doi:10.1080/23739770.2017.1315682. ISSN 2373-9770. S2CID 152132582.
  54. ^ McGonigle 2021, p. (c.f. p.218-219 of PhD): “The [Israeli national] biobank stands for unmarked global modernity and secular technoscientific progress. It is within the other pole of the Israeli cultural spectrum that one finds right-wingers appropriating genetics as a way of imagining the tribal particularity of Jews, as a way of proving the occupation is legitimate, of authenticating the ethnos as a natural fact, and of defending Zionism as a return. It is across this political spectrum that the natural facts of genetics research discursively migrate and transform into the mythologized ethnonationalism of the bio-nation. However, Israel has also moved towards a market-based society, and as the majority of the biomedical research is moving to private biotech companies, the Israeli biobank is becoming underused and outmoded. The epistemics of Jewish genetics fall short of its mythic circulatory semiotics. This is the ultimate lesson from my ethnographic work in Israel.”
  55. ^ Abu El-Haj 2012, p. 18 “What is evident in the work in Israeli population genetics is a desire to identify biological evidence for the presumption of a common Jewish peoplehood whose truth was hard to “see,” especially in the face of the arrival of oriental Jews whose presumably visible civilizational and phenotypic differences from the Ashkenazi elite strained the nationalist ideology upon which the state was founded. Testament to the legacy of racial thought in giving form to a Zionist vision of Jewish peoplehood by the mid-twentieth century, Israeli population researchers never doubted that biological facts of a shared origin did indeed exist, even as finding those facts remained forever elusive… Looking at the history of Zionism through the lens of work in the biological sciences brings into focus a story long sidelined in histories of the Jewish state: Jewish thinkers and Zionist activists invested in race science as they forged an understanding of the Jewish people and fought to found the Jewish state. By the mid-twentieth century, a biological self-definition—even if not seamlessly a racial one, at least not as race was imagined at the turn of the twentieth century—had become common-sensical for many Jewish nationalists, and, in significant ways, it framed membership and shaped the contours of national belonging in the Jewish state.”
  56. ^ E. Schweid, “Rejection of the Diaspora in Zionist Thought”, in Essential Papers on Zionism, ed. by Reinharz & Shapira, 1996, ISBN 978-0-8147-7449-6, p. 133
  57. ^ Lewis, Bernard (1999). Semites and Anti-Semites: An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-24556-1.
  58. ^ Lustick, Ian S. (2003). “Zionist Ideology and Its Discontents: A Research Note”. Israel Studies Forum. 19 (1): 98–103. ISSN 1557-2455. JSTOR 41805179.
  59. ^ Claeys, Gregory (2013). Encyclopedia of Modern Political Thought (set). CQ Press. ISBN 978-1-4522-3415-1.
  60. ^ Don-Yehiya, Eliezer (1992). “The Negation of Galut in Religious Zionism”. Modern Judaism. 12 (2): 129–155. doi:10.1093/mj/12.2.129. ISSN 0276-1114. JSTOR 1396185.
  61. ^ Mandel, George (2005). “Ben-Yehuda, Eliezer [Eliezer Yizhak Perelman] (1858–1922)”. Encyclopedia of modern Jewish culture. Glenda Abramson (New ed.). London. ISBN 978-0-415-29813-1. OCLC 57470923.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  62. ^ אברהם בן יוסף ,מבוא לתולדות הלשון העברית (Avraham ben-Yosef, Introduction to the History of the Hebrew Language), p. 38, אור-עם, Tel-Aviv, 1981.
  63. ^ Fellman, Jack (2011). The Revival of Classical Tongue : Eliezer Ben Yehuda and the Modern Hebrew Language. Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-087910-0. OCLC 1089437441.
  64. ^ Harris, J. (1998) The Israeli Declaration of Independence Archived June 7, 2011, at the Wayback Machine The Journal of the Society for Textual Reasoning, Vol. 7
  65. ^ M. Nicholson (2002). International Relations: A Concise Introduction. NYU Press. pp. 19–. ISBN 978-0-8147-5822-9. “The Jews are a nation and were so before there was a Jewish state of Israel”
  66. ^ Alan Dowty (1998). The Jewish State: A Century Later, Updated With a New Preface. University of California Press. pp. 3–. ISBN 978-0-520-92706-3. “Jews are a people, a nation (in the original sense of the word), an ethnos”
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  69. ^ Harry Ostrer MD (2012). Legacy: A Genetic History of the Jewish People. Oxford University Press. pp. 26–. ISBN 978-0-19-997638-6.
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    In the broader sense of the term, a Jew is any person belonging to the worldwide group that constitutes, through descent or conversion, a continuation of the ancient Jewish people, who were themselves descendants of the Hebrews of the Old Testament.

  71. ^ “Hebrew | People, Religion, & Location | Britannica”. www.britannica.com. Retrieved March 10, 2023.

    Hebrew, any member of an ancient northern Semitic people that were the ancestors of the Jews.

  72. ^ Brenner, Michael (2010). A short history of the Jews. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-14351-4. OCLC 463855870.
  73. ^ Legacy : a Genetic History of the Jewish People. Harry Ostrer. Oxford University Press USA. 2012. ISBN 978-1-280-87519-9. OCLC 798209542.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  74. ^ Adams, Hannah (1840). The history of the Jews : from the destruction of Jerusalem to the present time. Sold at the London Society House and by Duncan and Malcom, and Wertheim. OCLC 894671497.
  75. ^ Finkelstein, Israel (January 1, 2001). “The Rise of Jerusalem and Judah: the Missing Link”. Levant. 33 (1): 105–115. doi:10.1179/lev.2001.33.1.105. ISSN 0075-8914. S2CID 162036657.
  76. ^ Faust, Avraham (2012). Judah in the Neo-Babylonian Period. Society of Biblical Literature. p. 1. doi:10.2307/j.ctt5vjz28. ISBN 978-1-58983-641-9.
  77. ^ Helyer, Larry R.; McDonald, Lee Martin (2013). “The Hasmoneans and the Hasmonean Era”. In Green, Joel B.; McDonald, Lee Martin (eds.). The World of the New Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts. Baker Academic. pp. 45–47. ISBN 978-0-8010-9861-1. OCLC 961153992.

    The ensuing power struggle left Hyrcanus with a free hand in Judea, and he quickly reasserted Jewish sovereignty… Hyrcanus then engaged in a series of military campaigns aimed at territorial expansion. He first conquered areas in the Transjordan. He then turned his attention to Samaria, which had long separated Judea from the northern Jewish settlements in Lower Galilee. In the south, Adora and Marisa were conquered; (Aristobulus’) primary accomplishment was annexing and Judaizing the region of Iturea, located between the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon mountains

  78. ^ Ben-Sasson, H.H. (1976). A History of the Jewish People. Harvard University Press. p. 226. ISBN 978-0-674-39731-6.

    The expansion of Hasmonean Judea took place gradually. Under Jonathan, Judea annexed southern Samaria and began to expand in the direction of the coast plain… The main ethnic changes were the work of John Hyrcanus… it was in his days and those of his son Aristobulus that the annexation of Idumea, Samaria and Galilee and the consolidation of Jewish settlement in Trans-Jordan was completed. Alexander Jannai, continuing the work of his predecessors, expanded Judean rule to the entire coastal plain, from the Carmel to the Egyptian border… and to additional areas in Trans-Jordan, including some of the Greek cities there.

  79. ^ Ben-Eliyahu, Eyal (2019). Identity and Territory: Jewish Perceptions of Space in Antiquity. Univ of California Press. p. 13. ISBN 978-0-520-29360-1. OCLC 1103519319.

    From the beginning of the Second Temple period until the Muslim conquest—the land was part of imperial space. This was true from the early Persian period, as well as the time of Ptolemy and the Seleucids. The only exception was the Hasmonean Kingdom, with its sovereign Jewish rule—first over Judah and later, in Alexander Jannaeus’s prime, extending to the coast, the north, and the eastern banks of the Jordan.

  80. ^ Abraham Malamat (1976). A History of the Jewish People. Harvard University Press. pp. 223–239. ISBN 978-0-674-39731-6.
  81. ^ Zissu, Boaz (2018). “Interbellum Judea 70–132 CE: An Archaeological Perspective”. Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries: The Interbellum 70‒132 CE. Joshua Schwartz, Peter J. Tomson. Leiden, The Netherlands. p. 19. ISBN 978-90-04-34986-5. OCLC 988856967.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  82. ^ Sebag Montefiore, Simon (2012). Jerusalem : The Biography (First Vintage books ed.). New York. p. 11. ISBN 978-0-307-28050-3.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  83. ^ H.H. Ben-Sasson, A History of the Jewish People, Harvard University Press, 1976, ISBN 978-0-674-39731-6, p. 334: “In an effort to wipe out all memory of the bond between the Jews and the land, Hadrian changed the name of the province from Iudaea to Syria-Palestina, a name that became common in non-Jewish literature.”
  84. ^ Ariel Lewin. The archaeology of Ancient Judea and Palestine. Getty Publications, 2005 p. 33. “It seems clear that by choosing a seemingly neutral name—one juxtaposing that of a neighboring province with the revived name of an ancient geographical entity (Palestine), already known from the writings of Herodotus—Hadrian was intending to suppress any connection between the Jewish people and that land.” ISBN 978-0-89236-800-6
  85. ^ Ehrlich, Michael (2022). The Islamization of the Holy Land, 634–1800. Arc Humanity Press. p. 33. ISBN 978-1-64189-222-3. OCLC 1310046222.
  86. ^ David Goodblatt, ‘The political and social history of the Jewish community in the Land of Israel,’ in William David Davies, Louis Finkelstein, Steven T. Katz (eds.) The Cambridge History of Judaism: Volume 4, The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period, Cambridge University Press, 2006 pp. 404–430 [406].
  87. ^ Edward Kessler (2010). An Introduction to Jewish-Christian Relations. Cambridge University Press. p. 72. ISBN 978-0-521-70562-2.
  88. ^ Ashkenaz, Eli. “Researchers Race to Document Vanishing Jewish Heritage of Galilee Druze Village”. Haaretz. Retrieved March 10, 2023.

    Zinati, who was born in 1931, is the last link in the chain of a Jewish community that apparently maintained a continuous presence in Peki’in since the time of the Second Temple, when three families from the ranks of the kohenim, the priestly caste that served in the Temple, moved there. Since then, the only known break in the Jewish presence was during two years in the late 1930s, when the town’s Jews fled the Arab riots of 1936–39. Most of them went to what they called the Hadera diaspora. But one family, Zinati’s, returned home in 1940.

  89. ^ Lassner, Jacob; Troen, Selwyn Ilan (2007). Jews and Muslims in the Arab World: Haunted by Pasts Real and Imagined. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 314. ISBN 978-0-7425-5842-7.

    …the small community of Peki’in in the mountains of the Galilee, not far from Safed, whose present-day residents could demonstrate that they were direct descendants of inhabitants of the village who had never gone into exile.

  90. ^ Havrelock, Rachel (2011). River Jordan: The Mythology of a Dividing Line. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-31957-5.
  91. ^ “Exodus 6:4 I also established my covenant with them to give them the land of Canaan, where they resided as foreigners”. Bible.cc. Retrieved August 11, 2013.
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    The major problem is the intimate relationship of these boundaries to those of the Promised Land, notwithstanding an indubitable territorial disparity between them. A clear territorial distinction must be drawn between three concepts: 1) the patriarchal boundaries; 2) the land of Canaan; and 3) the land of Israel. Of these three, Canaan is the Promised Land, while the land of Israel, despite its partial territorial divergence, is the realization of this promise. The patriarchal boundaries, however, although closely linked with the promise of the land, patently differ from the other two delineations.

  93. ^ “Gen 15:18–21; NIV; On that day the LORD made a covenant”. Bible Gateway. Retrieved August 11, 2013.
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  97. ^ “Sound the great shofar for our freedom, raise the banner to gather our exiles and gather us together from the four corners of the earth (Isaiah 11:12) Blessed are you, O Lord, Who gathers in the dispersed of His people Israel.”
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    A number of factors motivated Israel’s open immigration policy. First of all, open immigration—the ingathering of the exiles in the historic Jewish homeland—had always been a central component of Zionist ideology and constituted the raison d’etre of the State of Israel. The ingathering of the exiles (kibbutz galuyot) was nurtured by the government and other agents as a national ethos, the consensual and prime focus that united Jewish Israeli society after the War of Independence

  99. ^ Shohat, Ella (2003). “Rupture and Return: Zionist Discourse and the Study of Arab Jews”. Social Text. 21 (2): 49–74. doi:10.1215/01642472-21-2_75-49. ISSN 1527-1951. S2CID 143908777.

    Central to Zionist thinking was the concept of Kibbutz Galuiot—the “ingathering of the exiles.” Following two millennia of homelessness and living presumably “outside of history,” Jews could once again “enter history” as subjects, as “normal” actors on the world stage by returning to their ancient birth place, Eretz Israel

  100. ^ Russell, C. T., Gordon, H. L., & America, P. P. F. O. (1917). Zionism in Prophecy. Reprinted in Pastor Russell’s Sermons. Brooklyn, NY: International Bible Students Association.
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    Hatice Turhan’s insistence on conversion mitigated any educational edge Jewish physicians had over others. In contrast to the mid-sixteenth century, when Jews such as Joseph Nasi rose to the highest medical post in the empire and played an active role at the Ottoman court while remaining practicing Jews, and even convinced Suleiman to intervene with the pope on behalf of Portuguese Jews who were Ottoman subjects imprisoned in Ancona, the leading physicians at court in the mid-to late seventeenth century such as Hayatizade and Nuh Efendi had to be converted Jews.

  103. ^ Graf, Tobias P. (2017). The Sultan’s Renegades : Christian-European Converts to Islam and the Making of the Ottoman Elite: 1575–1610. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 178–179. ISBN 978-0-19-250903-1. OCLC 975125193.

    (Nasi) settled in the Ottoman Empire where he openly returned to Judaism.

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    European Jews swayed and prayed for Zion for nearly two millennia, and by the end of the nineteenth century their descendants had transformed liturgical longing into a political movement to create a Jewish national entity somewhere in the world. Zionism’sprophet, Theodor Herzl, considered Argentina, Cyprus, Mesopotamia, Mozambique, and the Sinai Peninsula as potential Jewish homelands. It took nearly a decade for Zionism to exclusively concentrate its spiritual yearning on the spatial coordinates of Ottoman Palestine.

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    Recalling his views when he had written “The Jewish State” eight years earlier, he [Herzl] pointed out that at the time, he had openly been willing to consider building on Baron de Hirsch’s beginning and establishing the Jewish state in Argentina. But those days were long gone.

  119. ^ Friedman, M. (Motti) (2021). Theodor Herzl’s Zionist Journey – Exodus and Return. Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. pp. 239–240
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    Herzl decided to explore the East Africa proposal in the wake of the pogrom, writing to Nordau: “We must give an answer to Kishinev, and this is the only one…We must, in a word, play the politics of the hour.”

  121. ^ Caryn S. Aviv; David Shneer (2005). New Jews: The End of the Jewish Diaspora. NYU Press. p. 10. ISBN 978-0-8147-4017-0. Retrieved January 22, 2016.
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    The suggestion that Uganda might be suitable for Jewish colonization was first put forward by Joseph Chamberlain, the British colonial secretary, who said that he had thought about Herzl during a recent visit to the interior of British East Africa. Herzl, who at that time had been discussing with the British a scheme for Jewish settlement in Sinai, responded positively to Chamberlain’s proposal, in part because of a desire to deepen Zionist-British cooperaion and, more generally to show that his diplomatic efforts were capable of bearing fruit.

  125. ^ a b Adam Rovner (2014). In the Shadow of Zion: Promised Lands Before Israel. NYU Press. p. 81. ISBN 978-1-4798-1748-1. Archived from the original on November 17, 2016. Retrieved March 16, 2016.

    On the afternoon of the fourth day of the Congress a weary Nordau brought three resolutions before the delegates: (1) that the Zionist Organization direct all future settlement efforts solely to Palestine; (2) that the Zionist Organization thank the British government for its other of an autonomous territory in East Africa; and (3) that only those Jews who declare their allegiance to the Basel Program may become members of the Zionist Organization.” Zangwill objected… When Nordau insisted on the Congress’s right to pass the resolutions regardless, Zangwill was outraged. “You will be charged before the bar of history,” he challenged Nordau… From approximately 1:30 p.m. on Sunday, July 30, 1905, a Zionist would henceforth he defined as someone who adhered to the Basel Program and the only “authentic interpretation” of that program restricted settlement activity exclusively to Palestine. Zangwill and his supporters could not accept Nordau’s “authentic interpretation” which they believed would lead to an abandonment of the Jewish masses and of Herzl’s vision. One territorialist claimed that Ussishkin’s voting bloc had in fact “buried political Zionism”.

  126. ^ Lawrence J. Epstein (2016). The Dream of Zion: The Story of the First Zionist Congress. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 97. ISBN 978-1-4422-5467-1.
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    We have, therefore, reached the conclusion that the only course now open to us is to submit the problem to the judgment of the United Nations …

    Mr. Janner Pending the remitting of this question to the United Nations, are we to understand that the Mandate stands. and that we shall deal with the situation of immigration and land restrictions on the basis of the terms of the Mandate, and that the White Paper of 1939 will be abolished? …
    Mr. Bevin No, Sir. We have not found a substitute yet for that White Paper, and up to the moment, whether it is right or wrong, the House is committed to it. That is the legal position. We did, by arrangement and agreement, extend the period of immigration which would have terminated in December, 1945. Whether there will be any further change, my right hon. Friend the Colonial Secretary, who, of course, is responsible for the administration of the policy, will be considering later.

  138. ^ Survey of Palestine (1946), Vol I, Chapter VI, p. 141 and Supplement to Survey of Palestine (1947), p. 10.
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  150. ^ Hakohen 2003, p. 46: “After independence, the government presented the Knesset with a plan to double the Jewish population within four years. This meant bringing in 600,000 immigrants in a four-year period. or 150,000 per year. Absorbing 150,000 newcomers annually under the trying conditions facing the new state was a heavy burden indeed. Opponents in the Jewish Agency and the government of mass immigration argued that there was no justification for organizing large-scale emigration among Jews whose lives were not in danger, particularly when the desire and motivation were not their own.”
  151. ^ Hakohen 2003, p. 246–247: “Both the immigrants’ dependence and the circumstances of their arrival shaped the attitude of the host society. The great wave of immigration in 1948 did not occur spontaneously: it was the result of a clear-cut foreign policy decision that taxed the country financially and necessitated a major organizational effort. Many absorption activists, Jewish Agency executives, and government officials opposed unlimited, nonselective immigration; they favored a gradual process geared to the country’s absorptive capacity. Throughout this period, two charges resurfaced at every public debate: one, that the absorption process caused undue hardship; two, that Israel’s immigration policy was misguided.”
  152. ^ Hakohen 2003, p. 47: “But as head of the government, entrusted with choosing the cabinet and steering its activities, Ben-Gurion had tremendous power over the country’s social development. His prestige soared to new heights after the founding of the state and the impressive victory of the IDF in the War of Independence. As prime minister and minister of defense in Israel’s first administration, as well as the uncontested leader of the country’s largest political party, his opinions carried enormous weight. Thus, despite resistance from some of his cabinet members, he remained unflagging in his enthusiasm for unrestricted mass immigration and resolved to put this policy into effect.”
  153. ^ Hakohen 2003, p. 247: “On several occasions, resolutions were passed to limit immigration from European and Arab countries alike. However, these limits were never put into practice, mainly due to the opposition of Ben-Gurion. As a driving force in the emergency of the state, Ben-Gurion—both prime minister and minister of defense—carried enormous weight with his veto. His insistence on the right of every Jew to immigrate proved victorious. He would not allow himself to be swayed by financial or other considerations. It was he who orchestrated the large-scale action that enabled the Jews to leave Eastern Europe and Islamic countries, and it was he who effectively forged Israel’s foreign policy. Through a series of clandestine activities carried out overseas by the Foreign Office, the Jewish Agency, the Mossad le-Aliyah, and the Joint Distribution Committee, the road was paved for mass immigration.”
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  • Pawel, Ernst. The Labyrinth of Exile: A Life of Theodor Herzl (1992) excerpt and text search
  • Sachar, Howard M. A History of Israel: From the Rise of Zionism to Our Time (2007) excerpt and text search
  • Shimoni, Gideon. The Zionist Ideology (1995)
  • Simon, Leon (1922). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 32 (12th ed.). .
  • Taub, Gadi. The Settlers and the Struggle over the Meaning of Zionism (2010, Hebrew, English)
  • Taylor, A.R., 1971, “Vision and intent in Zionist Thought'” in The transformation of Palestine, ed. by I. Abu-Lughod, ISBN 978-0-8101-0345-0, Northwestern University Press, Evanston, IL
  • Urofsky, Melvin I. American Zionism from Herzl to the Holocaust (1995), a standard history
  • Wigoder, Geoffrey, ed. New Encyclopedia of Zionism and Israel (2nd ed. 2 vol. 1994); 1521 pp
  • Hirsch, Dafna (2009). “Zionist eugenics, mixed marriage, and the creation of a ‘new Jewish type'”. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. Wiley. 15 (3): 592–609. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9655.2009.01575.x. ISSN 1359-0987. JSTOR 40541701.
  • McGonigle, Ian V. (2021). Genomic Citizenship: The Molecularization of Identity in the Contemporary Middle East. MIT Press (originally a Harvard PhD Thesis, published March 2018). ISBN 978-0-262-36669-4. Retrieved July 8, 2023.
  • Burton, Elise K. (2021). Genetic Crossroads: The Middle East and the Science of Human Heredity. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-1-5036-1457-4. Retrieved July 8, 2023.
  • Abu El-Haj, Nadia (2012). The Genealogical Science: The Search for Jewish Origins and the Politics of Epistemology. Chicago Studies in Practices of Meaning. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-20142-9. Retrieved July 8, 2023.

External links

  • Works related to Zionism at Wikisource
  • Works related to Zionism an Affirmation of Judaism at Wikisource
  • Central Zionist Archives site in Jerusalem
  • WZO website
  • Exodus1947.com PBS Documentary Film focusing on the secret American involvement in Aliyah Bet, narrated by Morley Safer
  • Reverend William H. Hechler – The Christian minister who legitimized Theodor Herzl by Jerry Klinger. Jewish Magazine, July 2010
  • Is Zionism in Crisis? A Follow-Up Debate with Peter Beinart and Alan Dershowitz at The Graduate Center, CUNY
  • Newspaper clippings about Zionism in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW

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